Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky. Decembrist Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky and Maria Nikolaevna Volkonskaya Sergey Volkonsky Decembrist

Vitalitysay of the Decembrist Surgery Volkonsky

Kiennaya Oksana Ivanovna,

doctor of Historical Sciences,

professor RGU.

Decembrist Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky - a historical figure, familiar to everyone from the school program. The basic facts of his biography are widely known: he was an aristocrat, prince, Rurikovich, was related to many famous Russian surnames and even kings. His conscious life began as a military feat. The hero of the Patriotic War and Foreign Hangs, in 24, he became a general, his portrait is located in the Military Gallery of the Winter Palace.

Following the military feat followed a femina of civilian. In 1819, he joined the Decembrists' conspiracy, was an active participant in the South Society, in 1826 he was condemned for 20 years the cortica and an indefinite settlement. In the Siberian period of life, Volkonsky is known primarily as the "husband of his wife": the princess Maria Nikolaevna Volkonskaya, refusing knowledge, wealth, even from his own son, one of the first followed him to Siberia.

In this guttost, the main reason is the personality of the KN. Volkonsky rarely becomes the subject of special attention of historians. There are almost no individual research about it. His name is always mentioned by historians with respect, but no particular interest causes.

Meanwhile, sources - correspondence and memoirs of the Volkonsky himself, the memories of contemporaries, the official documents - draw a completely different Volkonsky. The early stages of his biography are not only the high service of Fatherland, but also the life of the secular honeycomb Kavalearg. The biography of the Volkonsky-Decembrist is not only a civil feat and a desire to "bring sacrificing", but also a surveillance for their comrades on a conspiracy, the opening of their correspondence. Arrested in January 1826, Volkonsky deserved in the eyes of Emperor Nicholas I reputation "stuffed fool", "liar" and "scoundrel".

The task of this article does not include writing a detailed and detailed biography of this year. Volkonsky. Her goal: on the basis of documents, determine the place of this person in the movement of the Decembrists. Perhaps this article will also make it possible to adjust the curricular ideas about Volkonsky, will awaken research interest in one of the most vivid personalities of the Aleksandrovsky era.

Sergei Grigorievich Volkonsky was born in 1788 by age, he was one of the oldest among the leaders of secret societies, by origin - one of the most significant.

In the form of the list "On the service and dignity" of Sergey Volkonsky, in the graph of origin, written concisely: "From Chernihiv princes." The ancestors of the Decembrist - the sadly famous in the Russian history of Olgovichi, as they called their chronicles, "ruled in Chernigov and were the initiators and participants in the many cross-law wars in ancient Russia. The Decembrist himself belonged to the XXVI knee of Rurikov's Ryurikovich.

On the maternal Volkonsky from the genus KN. Repnile. His great-grandda was one of the "Petrova's nest chicks", Field Marshal A.I. Repinn, and grandfather - N.V. Repinn, also Feldmarshal, a diplomat and military, who signed in 1774 Kychuk-Kainardzhi peace treaty with Turkey. Grandmother on the motherboard, nee Princess Kurakina, led his genus from Vel. kn. Lithuanian Gedemin.

A distinctive feature of many close relatives of Sergei Volkonsky can be defined in one word - "oddity".

Historians are well known to KN. Gregory Semenovich Volkonsky (1742-1824) - the father of the Decembrist. He was a companion P.A. Rumyantseva, G.A. Potemkin, A.V. Suvorov, his testya N.V. Repnoun. According to the service list, he participated in all wars of the end of the XVIII century. . In 1803-1816. Gregory Volkonsky - Governor-General in Orenburg, then - Member of the State Council.

In 1898, the book M.I. Dustyev "Wonderful eccentrics and originals" KN. Gregory Volkonsky is described as one of the brightest Russian "Chudakov". He was known, for example, by the fact that it was early and first went to the first thing "in all rooms and was applied to each image," and in the evening "he served daily from him, at which the duty officer was obliged to be attended To the troops in all orders and, at the end of the teaching, in one shirt went around somewhere under the bush and shouted to soldiers: "Well done, guys, well done!" He "loved to walk in thin clothes, angry when he was not recognized, drove In the city, lying on the cart or on the woods. " According to Pyryaev, Volkonsky followed the peculiarities of the behavior of his friend and the patron of A.V. Suvorov - "Kortchil Suvorov".

The world's phenomenon - and including the Russian - "Mlower", has long been the attention of historians and cultoryologists.

So, dustyov defined this phenomenon as "an arbitrary or forced origination, mostly due to excess of life and in the minority - on the contrary: vital dissatisfaction." Dustyev noted that "in a simple class, close to nature, rarely meet eccentrics." "Fucks" begin with "with the formation of" - "and the higher the people are, the more and more diverse the eccentrics are."

Famous playwright, director and Teatranov N.N. The Jews saw in the "death" manifestation of the "feelings of theatricality", which "is something natural, natural, inborn human psyche." Yu.M. Lotman approached the question specifically historically: trying to understand the Russian "Chudakov" of the end of the XVIII century, he argued that they tried to "find their own strange" way "to find their own personality." In his opinion, by Peter I "Regular State" "needed performers, not in the initiators, and appreciated the execution higher than the initiative," however, from the times of Catherine II, the best people appear "thirst to express themselves, to show personality in full ".

With all the variety of these explanations, they do not contradict each other. Indeed, the desire to show ourselves, "to fail," to prove its self - primarily with the help of certain theatrical and rapid forms of life - inherent in a person at all times. It is quite clear that the higher the person is developed and the more the state seeks to reduce it to the degree of "screw", the stronger the resistance and the more string become "eldest."

This should only add that the resulting aristocrats of the late XVIII - early XIX century. "The originality" never went out for certain frameworks, did not overwhelm into political radicalism. In the service sphere, these people were quite adequate performers of the will of the monarch. That is exactly the most likely, and was the father of the Decembrist - the "strange" person, but at the same time an executive and successful general, nobleman and a major official.

"Stranges" and "Candles" Gregory Volkonsky successfully opposed his wife Alexander Nikolaevna (1756-1834). Based on the materials of the family archive, her great-grandfather S.M. Volkonsky claimed:

"Daughter of Feld Marshal Prince Nikolai Vasilyevich Repnina, Stats-Dama, Oberhofmeister of Three Empress, the cavalier lady of the Order of St. Catherine of the first degree, the princess of Alexander Nikolaevna was the character of dry; for her, life form played a significant role; court lady to the bone's brain, she replaced the feelings and Impressive considerations of debt and disciplines "," etiquette and discipline, here is internal, and maybe it is better to say - the external engines of its actions. "

Having everyday experience, practicality, a rare gift to get along with the kings, she tried to instill these qualities to their children - sons Nikolai, Nikita and Sergey and Daughter Sophier. True, it was not always possible for her.

The life of only the older of her sons, Nikolai Grigorievich (1778-1845) can be considered in the standards of that time. "Being the name of Prince Volkonsky," he in 1801 received the highest command "to be called the prince repfon" - "so that the famous genus does not die." Like his father, KN. Repnin spent the whole life in military service: participated in almost all wars of the beginning of the XIX century, in 1813-1814. performed the position of military governor of Saxony. From 1816 to 1835, he is the Malorossiysk Military Governor. True, unlike the Father, he was not seen in the "oddities" and "eccentricity."

Nikolay Repnin walked in the liberal society, famous for Humanity (he, for example, belonged to the initiative in history with redemption from the fortress dependence of the actor MS Shchepkin), enjoyed the respect of contemporaries. He was a recognized authority and for the younger generation of the Volkonsky family. "Brother I read myself a second father, and he knows all my thoughts and all my feelings," said Sergey Volkonsky in 1826, after his condemnation.

But the father's "oddities" fully inherited Sophia Grigorievna (1785-1868), sister of the Decembrist. In 1802, she married a close relative, one of the most influential military Aleksandrovsky era, KN. Peter Mikhailovich Volkonsky. From 1813 to 1823 P.M. Volkonsky - Head of the General Staff of the Russian Army, in November 1825, on his hands, Emperor Alexander I died in Taganrog. Under Nicolae I P.M. Volkonsky was appointed Minister of the Imperial Court and Dutch, became General Field Marshal. Naturally, none of the "venance brothers" Sophia Volkonskaya did not know anything.

However, among the contemporaries of Sophia Volkonskaya, first of all, extremely misappropriate. According to the materials of the family archive, "it reached the end of his life to the end of life and reached the painful manifestations of Kleptomania: slices of sugar, matches, oranges, the pencils were absorbed by her bag when she was visiting, with a dexterity worthy of a magician." "In his house on the car wash, she handed the apartment to her son. The son went to the abdomen, - she took advantage of this and herself felt in his room. So she managed to live a whole winter in the apartment for which he received."

At the same time, it was capable of unexpected generosity:

"Branled the Maid for facing the match to light the candle when she could light her about another candle, and at the same time, without thinking, made a poor relative gift of twenty thousand."

The behavior of Nikita Grigorievich (1781-1841) is "strange" from the point of view of secular norms (1781-1841). The Patriotic War of 1812 and foreign campaigns he spent at the "Practitioner" of the emperor, distinguished himself in the "Battle of Peoples" under Leipzig and in the battle for Paris, was awarded several orders and a golden sword "for courage".

However, a few years after the war, Nikita Volkonsky, Major General Sweets and Ober-Egermester, threw a career. He preferred to dissolve in the rays of the glory of his own wife, Princess Zinaida Aleksandrovna, nee Belozerskaya (1792-1862) - poetess and artists, singer and hostesses of the famous Moscow literary salon, "Queen Muses and Beauty", Pushkin and Baratyan. Zinaida Volkonskaya was not true to her husband: in the world they talked about her numerous love relatives, including with Emperor Alexander I. But despite this, Nikita Volkonsky followed his wife everywhere. From 1820 he was listed "in indefinite leave.", And at the end of the 1820s. Following her, he left Russia forever and went to Italy. Relationships with members of his family, he, apparently, did not support.

Obviously, Nikita Volkonsky accepted Catholicism in Italy. He died in the Italian city of Assis; After a few years, Zinaida Volkonskaya reburied his dust in one of the Catholic temples in Rome.

The first stages of the life of the KN. Sergey Volkonsky, the youngest child in the family, is very similar to the biography of his father and senior brothers.

In 1796, at the age of 8, he was recorded by a sergeant to the army, but was considered on vacation "until the end of the course of science" and actually began to serve since 1805. His first rank on the actual service - Lieutenant in the cavalry regiment, the most privileged shelf Russian Guard. Sergey Volkonsky took part in the war with France 1806-1807; His fighting baptism was the battle under Pulta.

"From the first day of the present to the smell of the enemy powder, to the whistle of the nuclei, the boot and bullets, to the brilliance of the attackers and the blades of white weapons, the case to everything that is found in combat life, so that later, neither danger nor labor me" ., I remembered later.

For participation in this battle, he received his first order - St. Vladimir 4th degree with a bow. His track record was replenished with battles in Yankov and Gooff, with Lanzberg and Passich-Eilau, under Velzberg and Friedland. Participated in the Russian-Turkish war 1806-1812; Having stormed the noisy and Rushchuk, deposited Silistria. For some time consisted by an adjutant at M.I. Kutuzov, commander-in-chief of the Moldavian army. From September 1811, the Volkonsky - Flegel Adjutant of the Emperor.

From the beginning of the Patriotic War of 1812, he is an active participant and one of the organizers of the partisan movement. The first period of war, he passed as part of the "flying corps" General Lieutenant F. F. Vitrengerene is the first partisan detachment in Russia.

This squad was subsequently unknown forgotten. In public opinion and historiography, General Vitrengerene was to give way to the Lavra of the Creator of the first partisan detachment D.V. Davydov. However, in 1997, July 1812 was published and addressed to Vitrenode, the order of the Military Minister M.B. Barclay de Tolly about creating a "flying case". He was created for "extermination" "of all the enemy parties" to "take prisoners and find out who exactly and in which the enemy goes, opening how much you can". The detachment was supposed to "act in the rear of the French army to the communication line." With Vinjrenere, Rothmist Volkonsky performed the position of the officer's duty.

A few months later, after leaving the French by the French, Sergey Volkonsky was appointed commander of an independent partisan compound, with whom "opened ... Communication between the main army and the Cabulus of General from Wittgenstein's cavalry". Troops General P.Kh. Wittgenstein covered the direction of the enemy army into St. Petersburg, but after leaving the French of Moscow disappeared and the threat of occupation of the capital of the Empire disappeared. Wittgenstein's actions had to be coordinated with the actions of the main forces - and Volkonsky successfully coped with this task. In addition, in a few weeks of individual actions, the Volkonsky detachment captured "one general, ... 17 headquarters and ober-officers and about 700 or 800 lower ranks."

During foreign hikes, the Volkonsky squad once again connected with the Vintreneregen Corps and began to act with the main forces of the Russian army. Volkonsky distinguished himself in battles under Kalishe and Lucene, when crossing the Elbe, in the "Battle of Peoples" under Leipzig, in the storming of the Kassel and Susson. Starting the war by Rothmistrome, he graduated from her Major General and the Kavaler of four Russians and five foreign orders, the owner of the award gold weapons and two medals in memory of the Patriotic War of 1812

Contemporaries recalled: Returning from the war to the capital, Sergey Volkonsky did not shoot the cloak in public places. At the same time, he "modestly" said: "The sun hides in the clouds of his rays" - his chest burned with orders. "Having arrived at one of the first worked out of the army at the brilliant career of the service, for from the ranmist of Rothmister Guards, a little over two years old I was already a general with a ribbon and all those who were hung with crosses, and I can say without boasting. With obvious merits, in the Higher Society I was welcomed I will say even excellent, "he wrote in memoirs. Petersburg light admired them, parents were proud. Father respectfully called him in the letters "Heroa our prince Sergey Grigorievich". Before the young general, dizzying career capabilities opened.

But the service career Sergei Volkonsky was not limited to participation in hostilities. In the military biography of Volkonsky there are quite a few oddities. Shortly before the end of the war, he, Major General of the Russian Service, leaves the army armatifully and goes to St. Petersburg. After returning from the army to the capital, he - again, Self, without taking leave and dismissal, go abroad, as he himself writes, "tourist." He becomes a witness to the opening of the Vienna Congress, visits Paris, then goes to London. However, he could hardly, being on the actual service, move so fluently in Europe. Apparently, at the same time he performed some secret questions of the Russian command. About what kind of these tasks were, information is also preserved. The strange episode of his foreign journey belongs to March 1815 - the time of the famous Napoleonic "hundred days."

News about the return of Napoleon to France takes Volkonsky in London. According to his memoirs, learning that the "Damn Doll" landed in France, "he immediately asked the Russian ambassador in London Count Livhena to give him a passport to France. The ambassador refused, stating that the general of Russian service had nothing to do in a country-busy enemy. And he reported on this strange request to Emperor Alexander I. The emperor ordered Liven to release Volkonsky to Paris.

In a busy Napoleon, Paris Volkonsky spent just a few days - on March 18, 1815 he came there, and on March 31, he returned to London. These dates are installed from his letter to P.D. Kiselev sent from London on March 31.

The fact that Volkonsky was engaged in Paris during the "hundred days", a little known. He himself very carefully mentions his notes that for the second time in Paris he was no longer as a "tourist", but as a "official face", and that he was in his trip supplied with money received from his shurr. P.M. Volkonsky, then the chief of chief headquarters of the Russian army. It is also known that his stay in the enemy capital has not passed unnoticed for Russian society; There were even a voices that he switched to the side of Napoleon. In a letter to his friend Kiselev, he was forced to justify: "I do not count with the opinion of those who are judged by me, not having rights and without listening to my justification," "For me, as a lawyer, all Russians who were with me in Paris. "

In the sources there are information that the main task that Volkonsky performed in Paris was the evacuation of Russian officers who did not have time to go home and remaining in captivity of Napoleon. In the "Notes", Volkonsky calls four: three ober-officers and a newly famous court doctor Nikolai Ranta, who remained in France, with sick and wounded Russian military and did not have time to leave the city.

It should be noted that these people are unlikely randomly detained in Paris - otherwise the Russian command would not send the city of Russian Major General, a close relative of the chief of headquarters in an enemy. Most likely, they also performed special tasks in the French capital - and in the case of exposure, they threaten big trouble.

In other words, after the end of the war, General Volkonsky acquired the experience of performing "secret orders" by "secret methods." And this experience was subsequently invaluable for the Decembrist Volkonsky.

Despite the brilliant military career, Sergey Volkonsky "remained in the memory of a family as a person not from this world." The private behavior of Volkonsky pre-war, military and post-war years seemed to contemporaries at least, if not more "strange" than the behavior of his father. At the same time, for Volkonsky himself, this behavior was very organic: in his later memoirs, the description of these "oddities" is given hardly no more than the description of the famous battles.

In everyday life, Sergey Volkonsky implemented a completely defined type of behavior called by contemporaries "Gusar". This type also got into the "classification" of dustyeva:

"A distinctive feature of character, spirit and tone of cavalry officers - it's all the same, whether it was youth or old people - there were all the sameness. The motto and leadership in life were three Russian Stakes:" There are no two deaths, one not to power, "the last penny rebry "," The life of a penny - the head of nothing! " These people and in war, and in the world were looking for dangers to distinguish between fearless and deletion. "

According to dusty, especially differed by the "remoteness" of the guiltlegard officers.

And if the "eccentrics" Gregory Volkonsky was, in general, peaceful and non-hazardous for others, then the "joy" of his younger son represented a significant social danger. Sergey Volkonsky - quite in the Spirit of Pyravaeva - confessed in memoirs that for him the very social circle to which he belonged was characterized by "a common tendency to drunkenness, to a rampant life, to the youth."

The lifestyle of a young cloak officer was, according to the same Memoram, as follows:

"Daily Manege Teachings, Frequent Squadron, Occashere Regimental Watch, Washparada, Little Leisure of Missure Life; Walking along the embankment or on the boulevard from 3 to 4 hours; General Vataga Lunch in the Tavern, always irrigated through the edge of the edge ... Vatagoy to the theatre".

The image of thoughts did not differ from the lifestyle: "The books were not congued from the shelves."

Volkonsky recalled, as in the years of life in St. Petersburg, he and another future Decembrist M.S. Lunin (who took, by the way, in the number of dusty "Chudakov") "lived on a black river together. In addition to us, the huts occupied, on the coast of the black river against our premises there was a tent, at which there were two lives on the chains of the bear, and we have nine dogs. The cohabitation of these animals who frighten all passers-by and passages, a lot bothered them and scared them, especially since one of the dogs was accustomed to the word, she was said quietly: "Bonaparte" - to rush to the passerby and disrupt the hat or hat with it. We are often Sun, to the extreme displeasure passersby, and our bears scared passages. "

It should be noted that, according to the dusty, the black river was a favorite place of cavalry "Punch" - and St. Petersburg ordinary people tried to bypass this terrain party. During the early XIX wars. Volkonsky did not leave his "uteh": in 1810, the prince was even expelled from the Moldovan army for his behavior.

They did not force the Volkonsky to abandon the "violent" behavior of neither the domestic war, nor foreign hiking, nor even receiving the general rank. Arriving after the end of the war in France, he made huge debts - and left, without paying with Paris creditors and merchants. The French were requested to return duty to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and personally to Emperor Alexander I. Volkonsky was found in Russia and abroad, he shied out in every way to pay - and all this generated a greater official correspondence.

As a result, the debts of the Son had to pay his mother. Both Volkonsky, Major General and the Hero of War, not without some pride reported in 1819 by the army authorities that the payment of his debts "took on his" his "Mother", "The Palace of the Imperial Majesty State Stats-Dama Princess Alexander Nikolaevna Volkonskaya" . Subsequently, the mother was regularly paid for his debts.

In the late 1810s. So brilliantly launched military career Sergei Volkonsky sharply slowed down. Until his arrest in 1826, he was not produced in the next rank, it was accounted for when distributed posts.

According to the service list, from 1816 to 1818 Sergey Volkonsky - commander of the 1st Brigade of the 2nd Ulan Division. When in August 1818, this brigade was disbanded, the new brigade did not give a prince - he was "appointed to consist in the divisional head of the same division." In November 1819, his Shurin, P.M. Volkonsky, asked the sovereign to appoint it to his "chief of the Kirassir Regiment", but received a "decisive refusal".

The reason for the career failures of the prince, according to the majority of researchers, is that even then he found signs of "free-robes". N.F. Karasha and A.3. Tikhantovskaya see the attack of the imperial "displeasure" in another: in the fact that Volkonsky did not forgive his stay in France during the return of Napoleon from about. Elba. (However, as noted above, Volkonsky, most likely, performed there a special command of command). Also, "not forgiven" the Volkonsky, the fact that in Paris was already after the restoration of Bourbon - he tried to stand up for Colonel Labedaireer, the first passed with his regiment on the side of Napoleon and sentenced to death.

However, the "library" Volkonsky discovered later, the events in France, the witness and the participant of which he was, took place much earlier. It seems that in this case the reason for the royal anger to the general should be sought in the other.

Sergey Volkonsky was well known and Alexander I, and his approximate: the king called his outbreak-adjutant "MSE Serge" - "Unlike other members of the Volkonsky family - and carefully followed his service. However, the "hussarism" and "leprosy" "Monsieur Serzhu" and his friends clearly did not like: Volkonsky describes in memoirs, as after one of the "pump" the sovereign did not want to greet him with him and his board-haired banks, as "was quite dry" With him after his expulsion from the Moldavian army.

Obviously, the emperor was waiting that after the war, the Major General coincides, but this did not happen. "In the old years, it's not just that young Cornet refisted, but there were cavalrymen who did not leave the pranks even in the general ranks," dustysky notes quite rightly. Most likely, the consequence of this and the career failures of the prince became.

At the end of the same 1819, the life of Sergei Volkonsky coolly changed: he entered the union of prosperity. After offended by the emperor for their own official failures, he did not receive the position of "consisting" in the divisional boss and left for a permanent vacation, intending to once again be abroad.

By chance of being in Kiev at the annual winter contract fair, he met his old buddy Mikhail Fedorovich Orlova. Orlov, Major General and the head of the 4th Infantry Corps headquarters, has long been in secret society, and his Kiev apartment was a meeting place for people of liberal beliefs and simply dissatisfied with the existing position of things.

The fact that Volkonsky saw and heard at Orlov's apartment struck the imagination of the "Guards Shalun". It turned out that there is a "other track of action and beliefs", rather than that, on which he was going to this time:

"I realized that the dedication to the Fatherland should take me out of a stuffy and colorless life of the Reader of Pigistics and Hallian Burning", "from that time a new life began for me, I entered into it with a proud feeling of conviction and debt no longer loyal, and a citizen and with The firm intention to fulfill, by all means my debt solely for love for the Fatherland. "

A few months after visiting the apartment of Orlova Volkonsky got into Tulchin, at the headquarters of the 2nd army. It happened his acquaintance with Pavel Pestel. "Common dreams, common beliefs soon brought me closer to me with this person and harmed a close friendly connection between us, which had an end to the secret society in an next few years," said Volkonsky in memoirs.

Formally, Volkonsky accepted General Major General M.I. Fonvizin. In his testimony, on the investigation, Sergey Volkonsky argued that the first liberal ideas originated from him in 1813, when he passed as part of the Russian army in Germany and communicated "with various individuals from those places where there was." Then these thoughts have strengthened in it in 1814 and 1815, when he visited London and Paris. This time, Madame de Stelle, Benjament Constance, members of the English opposition turned out to be in a circle of his communication.

Of course, the prince was right: in post-war Europe, liberal ideas were so widespread that few of the young Russian officers did not sympathize with them. The sympathy of these ideas is swaying, for example, in the post-war letters of Volkonsky to P.D. Kiseli. In a letter dated March 31, 1815, describing the Napoleonic "One hundred days", he notices:

"The doctrine that Bonaparte preaches, this is the doctrine of the Constituent Assembly; albeit only he keeps what he promises, and he approved forever on his throne," Bonaparte, who became the head of the Jacobin Party, much more than it suggests; only after How good will be prepared, you can begin the war against him with perseverance, because you will see that if the war is, it should be done by the People's War. "

However, from general reasoning about Bourbon, Bonaparte and the destinies of world history is very far from the revolutionary way of thoughts and even more than actions. In addition, as can be seen from the same letter, the chief "Liberal" for the future of the Decembrist was in 1815. Emperor Alexander I:

"Liberal ideas, which he proclaimed and which he seeks to approve in his states, must make respect and love him as a sovereign and as a person."

And there are no documents that testify that by 1819 the opinion of the Volkonsky about the "liberalism" of the Russian monarch has changed.

Most likely, not liberal ideas led to Volkonsky's conspiracy. By the beginning of the 1820s. "Gusar Behavior", with which Volkonsky very much treated at the first stages of his career, became massive - and from the "eccentricity" turned into a behavioral stamp, almost normal. Subsequently, Volkonsky argued that his life was completely colorless to the conspiracy and did not differ from the life of most of his "colleagues, single-air: a lot of empty, nothing,". In the secret society, Volkonsky did a different way, speaking by the words Yu.M. Lotman, "Find your destiny, fail, realize my own personality." This method is much more dangerous than "delete and youngerness," was more decent to the true son of the Fatherland.

"Introduction to my members of the secret society was made welcome with other members, and since then became a zealous member of it, and I will say on the conscience that I realized my own eyes that he had joined the noble path of civilian activities," Wantkonsky will write in memoirs .

From the beginning of 1820, a striking change occurs in Volkonsky. He ceases to be a "chaliver" and "hanging", refuses the idea of \u200b\u200ba passage journey, and, having received in 1821 under his team, the 1st Brigade of the 19th Infantry Division of the 2nd Army, which takes a new appointment. The prince leaves for the service office - in the deaf Ukrainian city of Uman. Now the vagator of Volkonsky does not even hurt the obvious fact that the purpose of commanding the infantry brigade is an explicit career decrease. Service in cavalry and, accordingly, in Ulannov was prestigious than in the infantry. And in 1823, according to Volkonsky's memoirs, the emperor Alexander I has already expressed "pleasure" about the fact that "Monsieur Serge" "has been cooled", "came up with a bad path."

In the personal life of Sergei Volkonsky, changes are also taking place. Traditional secular festive is inferior to serious feelings. In 1824, Volkonsky makes the offer of Maria Nikolaevna Raevskaya, the daughter of the famous general, the hero of 1812. "Apply" for him to the parents of the bride Volkonsky asked Mikhail Orlov, already marked by the older daughter of Raevsky, Catherine. At the same time, the prince, according to his own words, "the Orlov expressed himself positively, that if I know my intercourse and participation in the secret society of interference to getting the hands of the one with which I asked for this, then, though staring at the heart, I would better refuse it Happiness rather than modifying my political convictions and debt to the benefits of the Fatherland. "

General Raevsky thought for several months, but in the end agreed to marriage.

The wedding took place on January 11, 1825 in Kiev; The groom's father was planted by his brother Nikolai Repinn, Schafer - Pavel Pestel. Subsequently, repinn will argue: an hour before the wedding, the Volkonsky suddenly left - and "was the absence of no more than a quarter of an hour."

"I asked him," wrote repinn, "where?"

He: to go to the sandy.

I: what kind of nonsense, I will send him, because Schafer has a planted father adjutant on the wedding day.

He: No, brother, must fail. Now I will be back. "

Repnin was sure: on the wedding day, his brother, under the pressure of Pestel, "led a subscription" in loyalty to the ideas of the "Shaiki South Union".

However, modern researchers are not inclined to believe in the existence of such a subscription: the Pestel, of course, would have enough of the Honest Word of Friend. It does not deserve confidence and the legend, according to which Raevsky has achieved from his son-in-law the opposite subscription - that he will come out of the secret society. Apparently, for Volkonsky, it would be really easier to abandon personal happiness than to sacrifice with such a labor acquired own self.

Entering a plot, Major General Sergey Volkonsky, who by that time was already 31 years old, completely fell under the charm and under the power of the Adjutant of the Commander-in-Chief of the 2nd Army P.Kh. Wittgenstein, 26-year-old Rothmistra Pavle Pestel. At the time of dating with Volkonsky Pestel, the head of the Tulchin government of the Union of Benencies, and from 1821 he is a recognized leader of the South Society, the chairman who headed the society of the directory. Together with Pestel, Volkonsky begins to prepare a military revolution in Russia.

Meanwhile, actively participating in the conspiracy, Volkonsky had no "personal species". If the revolution won, the prince himself would not have won anything from her. In the New Russian Republic, he, of course, would never achieve the Supreme Government, would not be a military dictator nor a democratic president. He could count on a military career: to become a complete general, commander-in-chief, governor-general or, for example, military minister. However, all these posts, he could reach and without any conspiracy and a talented mortal risk, simply patiently "serving in the sovereign service."

Moreover, if the revolution won, the Volkonsky would lose much. The prince was a major landowner: at the time of his arrest in 1826 he was the owner of 10 thousand dec. Earth in the Tavrician lips.; Not less, if no more land belonged to him in the Nizhny Novgorod and Yaroslavl lips. In its Nizhny Novgorod and Yaroslavl estates, more than 2 thousand serfs "souls" were listed. Large states also owned his mother and brothers. According to the agrarian project of the "Russian truth" of Pestel, the responsibility of the new government was to take away from landlords with more than 10 thousand declues, "half of the earth without any retribution." In addition, after the revolution, all the peasants, including those who belonged to the participants of the conspiracy, would be free.

All this Volkonsky did not stop. And although there were no political texts written before 1826 by the prince, it was not safe to say that his views turned out to be very radical. In the secret society, Volkonsky was known as the unambiguous and rigid supporter of the Russian truth (including its agrarian project), indigenous reforms and republics. With its active assistance, Russian Pravda was approved by the Southern Company as a program. Despite the personal sympathy for the Emperor Alexander I, who over the years did not pass, Volkonsky shared and "intentions in the start of the revolution ... to eat on the life of the sovereign of the emperor and all the Six of the August surname."

Unlike many of the main members of the conspiracy, CN. Volkonsky did not suffer from the "Complex of Napoleon" and did not think of himself with an independent political leader. Entering a plot, he immediately recognized the motley for his unconditional and only boss. And it turned out to be one of the closest and dedicated friends of the chairman of the directory - despite the fact that Pestel was much younger than him and by age, and by rank, had a much more modest military experience. Decembrist N.V. Basargin argued on the investigation that the Sadestra "took possession of the Volkonsky" on the advantage of his abilities. "

In 1826, the Investigation Commission easily found out what Volkonsky was engaged in conspiracy. The prince led negotiations on joint actions with the Northern Company (in late 1823, in early 1824 and in October 1824) and with Polish Patriotic Society (1825). True, these negotiations ended in failure: neither the northern, nor with Polish patriotic societies to the Southern conspirators could not agree.

In 1824, on behalf of Pestel, Volkonsky went to the Caucasus, trying to learn whether the secret society exists in the building of General A.P. Yermolov. In the Caucasus, he met the famous Brener of Captain A.I. Yakubovich, shortly before the time translated from the guard to the existing army. Yakubovich convinced the prince that society really exists - and Volkonsky even wrote about his trip a written report to the southern directory. But, as it turned out, the information received from Yakubovich turned out to be bluff.

Prince together with V.L. Davydov headed the Kamensky government of the South Society, but this one was distinguished by his inaccessibility. Volkonsky participated in most meetings of the leaders of the conspiracy, but all these meetings had no practical significance. As a result, the prince admitted: most of the participants in South Society were confident that it was he who had the "greatest ways" to start a revolution in Russia. Indeed, under the team of Volkonsky there was a real military force - and the strength of considerable. In the summer of 1825, when the commander of the 19th Infantry Division Lieutenant General P.D. Cornilov left for a long vacation, Volkonsky began to fulfill the duties of the divisional general - and performed them up to his arrest in early January 1826. But in December 1825, this division remained on its apartments.

However, Volkonsky in secret society was a circle of responsibilities, in the execution of which he turned out to be much more successful. The investigative commission did not pay much attention to this activity, but it was it mainly and determined the role of Prince in the conspiracy of the Decembrists.

In the "notes" the prince there is a fragment that always puts in a dead end commentators:

"Among the counterparts, Alexander Christorovich Benkendorf was, and since that time we were pretty more familiar from that time, and later - in close friendship. Benkendorf then looked out of Paris at the embassy and, as a man thinking and impressionable, saw what [ Services] Provides gendarmerie in France. He believed that on an honest basis, when elected faces of honest, cleaned, the introduction of this branch of the survey could be useful and the king, and the Fatherland, prepared a project to compile this management, invited us, many of his comrades, to join In this cohort, as he called, people of Dobromens, and me among them. The project was presented, but was not approved. This thought al [Ekandr] XP [Isthorovich] carried out at the end of the throne of Nicholas, in full conviction, I am sure that the actions of the ona will be for the oppression of oppression, to be worn on time from delusions. Pure his soul, his light mind had this in mind, and then, as an exile, I must say that in all The time of my link Blue Uniform was not for us persecutors, and people guarding us, and all from persecution. "

The events that are described herein may be expected to be attributed by 1811 - it was then that Sergey Volkonsky became a flue-adjutant Alexander I. Information about which project was submitted by Benkendorf King in the early 1810s., Not survived. Remarkable Benkendorf project about creating a secret police, relating to 1821. However, in this case, Volkonsky confuses the dates in this case: from the beginning of 1821, he served in Uman and during this period could not communicate with Benkendorf served in the capital.

Historians tried to comment on this fragment of the Volkonsky Memoirov. For example, M. Lemka argued that the reason for such an enthusiastic review is that Benkendorf after 1826 provided his friend-soldier "minor services", while "major troubles" could do. The modern commentators of this fragment make another conclusion: Volkonsky, hitting the catguard, retained the memories of Benkendorf - his colleague on the partisan detachment, the brave officer, and did not know, "what changes the position of his combat comrade has undergone."

However, with such allegations, it is difficult to agree: almost all conscious, including the Decembristian, life of Sergey Volkonsky, these statements refute. Kn. Volkonsky was and remained a convinced supporter not only the secret police in general, but also methods of its work in particular. This was a lot of facilitated, on the one hand, the experience of participation in partisan actions, which, of course, were impossible without "secret" working methods. They contributed to this and "secret orders" of the Russian command, which Volkonsky has come to execute.

In a secret society, Volkonsky had a fairly clearly defined range of responsibilities. He was with Steller something like the head of the secret police, providing primarily internal security of the conspiracy.

In 1826, the fate of Volkonsky was much complicated by the fact that, as stated in the sentence, he "used fake printing of the field auditorium." With this point in the sentence it was the harder to accept his native and friends. "What tormented me most, this is what I read in the printed sentence, as if my husband felt fake printing, with the purpose of opening government securities," Knyagin M.N. in Memoirs Volkonskaya. Maria Volkonskaya can be understood: still a conspiracy is a matter of criminal, but noble; The purpose of the conspiracy is a peculiar understanding of Russia. And the general, prince, the descendant of Rüric, forgetting government seals, is in the consciousness of contemporaries did not knit with the image of a noble conspirator.

However, in 1824, Volkonsky really used fake printing, revealing the correspondence of army officials. "This seal ... The chairman of the field auditorist was made by me in 1824," the prince showed on the investigation. This printing was used at least once: In the same year, Volkonsky opened a letter to the head of the field auditorium of the 2nd army of General Volkov to Kiselev, then the Major General and the headquarters chief. In the letter, he wanted to find information relating to M.F. Orlova, just shot from the post of commander of the 16th Infantry Division, and his subordinate, Major V.F. Raevsky. The "Case" of Orlova and Raevsky, the participants of the conspiracy involved in particular, the propaganda of revolutionary ideas among the soldiers could lead to the disclosure of the entire secret society.

Watched Volkonsky not only for government reservoir. In the same year, the prince revealed the letter of his comrades on the conspiracy, leaders of the Vasilkovsk government S.I. Muravyova Apostle and M.P. Bestumeva-Ryumin, to members of the Polish Patriotic Society. Antiyev and Bestuzhev, on behalf of the Director of South Society, began negotiations with the Poles on joint actions in the event of the beginning of the revolution.

In September 1824, ants and Bestuzhev, who had eased immediate revolutionary activities, wrote a letter to Poles with a request to eliminate, in the event of the beginning of the Russian revolution, Cesarevich Konstantin Pavlovich. And they tried to transfer a letter to the Poles through Volkonsky. "This letter was taken by me, but in order to not hand it," the Volkonsky showed. "Prince Volkonsky, after reading this paper and consulting with Vasily Davydov, in order to give this paper ... I presented it directory of the southern edge. The directory destroyed this paper, stopped intercourse Bestuzhev with the Poles and handed over to me and the Volkonsky prince," - argued on the result of a song.

Naturally, the personal relationship of Volkonsky with the ants-apostle and reverson-Rumyn turned out to be broken. On the investigation, Volkonsky showed that "the words of the heads of Vasilkovskaya administration ceased from some time to have faith."

At the end of 1825 - early 1826, Sergey Muravyov raised the uprising of the Chernigov regiment. To have at least minimal chances of winning, the head of the rebellion was needed by the support of other military units, those where the participants of the conspiracy were served. However, he didn't even try to seek help to General Volkonsky.

In order to the secret society of the CN. Volkonsky used her related and friendly connections with the army bosses, with the highest military and civilian figures of the Empire. And these connections were quite a lot: it is unlikely that anyone else from the conspirators could boast such a representative "circle of communication." With the head of the headquarters of the 2nd army, Major General Kiselev, Volkonsky, was friends with his youth; Friendship, as already mentioned, tied Volkonsky with Lieutenant-General A.H. Benkendorf - then the head of the headquarters of the Guards Corps. "Mentor" and the patron saint of the conspirator was his Schurin P.M. Volkonian. "Close acquaintance" connected Volkonsky with Lieutenant General I.O. Witt, the head of the southern military settlements, in 1825 by the famous baseman on the Decembrists. Volkonsky was perfectly known and all members of the imperial family name.

According to the MEMUMAS, in 1823, during the highest view of the 2nd army, he received from Emperor Alexander I "Warned hint" - that "a lot in a secret society was known." The pronounced status of the Volkonsky brigade, Alexander praised the prince for the "works". At the same time, the monarch added that "Monsi Serge" will be "much more profitable" to continue to engage in his brigade than "the management of the" Russian Empire ".

In the summer of 1825, when the first denunciations appeared on the southern conspirators and over the secret society, the threat of disclosure, a similar "warning" Volkonsky received and from one of his nearest friends - the head of the Army headquarters P.D. Kiseleva. Kiselev said then Volkonsky: "In vain you confused on a thin case, I advise you to remove the pin from the game."

In November 1825, Volkonsky learned about the serious illness and the death of Alexander I followed a few days earlier than the highest ranks in the 2nd Army and the capitals. November 13, 1825, 6 days before the death of the emperor, he knew that Alexander I is almost hopeless; He told him about it throughout Uman in St. Petersburg couriers from Taganrog. It should be noted that the couriers, of course, did not have the right to disclose this information. However, Schurin Sergey Volkonsky, P.M. Volkonsky, by that time, already filmed from the post of headquarters headquarters, but not lost the confidence of the emperor, was one of those who accompanied Alexander I in his last journey, attended his illness and death. Apparently, this is exactly what should be explained by the strange "talkativeness" of secret couriers.

On November 15, Volkonsky spoke about it by PD. Kiselev - and subsequently on this occasion there was even a special investigation. When the king died, Volkonsky told Kiselev, that he sent "an official, with divisions [onn] the headquarters of the young man of frogly and modest, under the guise of examination of training teams in the 37th shelf to go around the entire distance between the trading and the godopoly and, if I find out what Wonderful, about Tom I come with notice. " A fragment of the letter of Volkonsky eloquently testifies: in the army, the Prince had their own secret agent.

Naturally, this information Volkonsky shared with a motley - his immediate boss in secret society. In the summer of 1825, Pestel comes to the conclusion about the need for a speedy start of the revolution. In the second half of November, the chairman of the directory begins preparing for decisive actions: trying to agree on a joint speech with S.I. Agrowed-apostle, gives an order until time to hide the "Russian truth". In the same alarming days for correspondence with Pestel, Volkonsky makes a special cipher. It is not for sure that this cipher was used.

On November 29, 1825, Pestel, together with Volkonsky, is well-known in the historiography of the "Genvaniary" on the immediate revolutionary speech of the Southern Society. According to him, the uprising began the Vyatsky regiment, who commanded Pestel. Having come on January 1, 1826 to the Army headquarters in Tulchin, Vyattsam followed first of all to arrest the army bosses. Then she had to give an order on the army about immediate performance and movement to Petersburg. Naturally, in this respect Volkonsky, one of the central roles was given. The 19th Infantry Division became a shock force of the future hike. Not devoid of grounds and assumption S.N. Chernova that Volkonsky could generally be proposed to be a general command of the rebellious army.

However, this plan was not implemented: two weeks before the alleged presentation of the motley arrested. The Volkonsky was not ready for independent actions in the conspiracy - and therefore refused to raise his own division to the uprising and exempted from the arrest of the chairman of the southern directory from under the arrest.

January 14 of the same year KN. Volkonsky brought to St. Petersburg and led to the interrogation to the new emperor Nikolai I. "Sergey Volkonsky downed fool, such a long-known, liar and a scoundrel in the full sense, and here showed itself. Not responding to anything, stood like a fiery, He represented the most disgusting sample of an ungrateful villain and a stupid man, "so according to the results of this interrogation, the Prince of Emperor was characterized.

Of course, Nicholas I was very annoyed by the events of the end of 1825 - early 1826. - And this irritation remains in it, even after many years. However, the royal words had a certain proportion of truth. From the very beginning and until the end of the investigation, Volkonsky successfully played the role of "fool" and the soldier.

According to M.I. Dustyev, in the peculiar "code" of the Russian "Military Hardware" included frankness at the interrogation: "The guilty was aware of the first demand ... It was ashamed to lie." Externally, the prince on the investigation behaved quite according to this code. "Imagine, I have the honor of the original and without any eclipse of the truth made by me,", "ready for any replenishment information and wish to protect yourself from complaints in locking - and earn confidence about my testimony, wanting to feel the sense of my guilt," such or Similar words begin with many Answers Volkonsky on written issues of investigation.

At the same time, Volkonsky wanted to take on as much guilt as possible. "Inquentening the same (liberal. - OK) thoughts in. My mind ... I attribute the conviction of my own mind ... Taking the above-mentioned image of thoughts in such years, where a person began to be guided by his mind, and continuing my communion with various changes to Thirteen years - I can not attribute the guilt to anyone - as soon as myself, and it was not guided by any sudden suggestions, but maybe there must be responsible for the dissemination of these, "so Volkonsky answered the screening question about the origin of his own" liberal "thoughts.

However, the Volkonsky could not all be taken over: he was not in the Southern Society, the main acting person, a lot, especially concerning the early periods of the conspiracy, simply did not know. And most of his testimony is a masculinely disguised as the "frankness" of the mockery over the investigative commission. So, at one of the first interrogations, on January 25, 1826, Volkonsky, as a chairman of the Kamensky council, they were asked about the nature of the hopes of conspirators for military settlements, allegedly prepared for the revolutionary performance. Volkonsky gave the following answer to this question: "From 24 request items I recognize that I was one of the managers of Kamensky separate council, I can also assure that I did not receive any of the instructions to act on the settled troops."

They asked Volkonsky and whether he managed to discover secret society in the Caucasus. He answered, in particular, that from the Caucasus was taken out by Yakubovich "Card explanation on one sheet of the Caucasian and Zebraban Territory, with the Meaning of an old and new line and with a brief statement of all nations, in the region of inhabiting", as well as the "General Map" of Georgia With "some topographic amendments."

From the answer to the same question, the investigation learned that "in the French dialect" Prince "actually manually (SIC!)" Posted "some ... Comments at the expense of the Caucasian Territory and Thoughts ... On the best way to bring in the formation of these peoples ".

On the same interrogation on January 25, investigators were interested in: "What was the main features of the Constitution under the name of the" Russian truth "written by the motley? .."

For this, the prince without a shadow of doubt answered that "the writing under the name" Russian truth "" was not "to him" never reported, nor written, to save or transfer, nor read or an outer explanation ... ". At the following interrogation, in February 1826, he will confirm his words: "I do not have information about the sense of the composition of the" Russian truth "- no one writer."

Investigators were surprised and did not believe the prince: they had a lot of indications about the friendship and the generality of the thoughts of Pestel and Volkonsky. And in early March 1826, the prisoner again received the question of the content of the "Russian truth".

Only for the third time Volkonsky finally, "mentioned" the essence of Peretellev ideas. In his presentation, they looked as follows:

"The main features of these were, so that with the start of the revolution, armed with force, in St. Petersburg and South Board at one time, to begin the fact that in the capital to establish a temporary board and make public renunciation of the highest monasses from the throne, the convening of representatives to determine about the birth of the Board and, finally As now, also subsequently, to explain the conversations and influence of members of society that the best sample of the Board is the United American states, with Thus, that and the private management is the same by regions, and not to be divided into various kinds of provinces ... If in the above explanation, it was known that the Committee was known under the composition of the Russian truth, then I was known about that; but as I believed that this essay concluded a complete set in the details of what was meant in question points, t . And the constitution of the named "Russian truth" (SIC!), I was entitled to argue that this essay is unknown. "

Naturally, this statement had little in common with the "Russian truth". Pestel, in particular, was not at all going after the victory of the revolution to convene any "representatives to determine the role of the Board," did not plan to attach the formulation of the Board similar to the North American states by the North American states.

All these verbose testimony written, besides, with a huge number of spelling errors, made a difficult impression on investigators. They tried to take the prince "on the fright": January 27, he was declared "the highest resolution, which if he did not show his true and full truth in his answers, will be chained."

And Volkonsky "promised to discover everything with sincerity and conscience." If, of course, the memory will not let him down - since "the wonder suddenly remember the circumstances, for the five years of what happened, with annual changes."

However, on subsequent questions, he again responds verbally, in chance, illiterately, and often not at all about what they are asked about. In this case, it should be noted that neither the texts written by the Volkonsky before 1826, nor his Siberian letters, nor memoirs impressions of the infurious graphic and do not produce. Contemporaries, who knew Volkonsky, he was remembered as a man of a clear mind and good memory.

Sergey Volkonsky's life after a sentence is a topic of a separate study. Here, only a few comments, complementing the idea of \u200b\u200bthe personality and the nature of the Decembrist.

In July 1826 S.G. Volkonsky, deprived of the ranks, orders and nobility, was convicted for 20 years of religion work (in August of the same year, the calendar period was reduced to 15, then up to 10 years), followed by settlement in Siberia. Neither the mother, the court lady nor numerous influential relatives could have done anything to facilitate his fate. Almost until the very end of the investigation, they did not know whether the Emperor would retain the Life to the general criminal.

According to the Alina Diary Volkon, the niece of the Decembrist and the daughter of his sister Sofia, July 13, on the day of the sentence, the mother of Sergei Volkonsky "Many cried ... almost did not sleep." She was even going to go to Siberia after her son. But, according to the grandson of the Decembrist S.M. Volkonsky,

"It was a hysterical impulse, and maybe a simple outpage of words. To go to visit my son in the fortress, it was much easier than to go to Siberia; However, the old princess was abstained. She wrote to his son, which is afraid for her strength, and he does not want him subjected to such a shock. " In addition, according to Alina's Diary, the widowing Empress Maria Fedorovna "walked" the mother of the Decembrist "to take care of himself."

Among the "comforters" of the old princess, not only the Empress Maria, but also the emperor Nicholas I. "The sovereign asked the grandmother to comfort, not to mix the affairs of the family with the affairs of the service - one another does not prevent one another," read in the Alina Diary.

Of course, the relatives were shocked by Sergey Volkonsky's cruel sentence. However, they all performed the highest command - and quickly comforted. Moreover, on the occasion of the coronation of Alexander Nikolaevna Volkonskaya received the diamond signs of the Order of St. Catherine. Received awards and her sons: kN. Repnin became a cavalier of the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky with diamonds, and in the "indefunctional leave" Nikita Volkonsky -Kavaler of the Order of St. Anne 1-th degree.

In the light, the rumors were circulated for a long time that "the princess Volkonskaya ... made it coolly send the sons to the catalog of work and even danced with the sovereign himself the next day after the sentence." However, there were other judgments: Stats-Dama "decided not to leave his position at the court, so as not to annoy the emperor, and hoped, remaining with it, to improve a convenient minute to ask for forgiveness of the guilty."

The only of the whole large family of Volkonsky, who allowed themselves to publicly disagree with the verdict, turned out to be the princess of Zinaida. According to the agent data received by the III branch in the summer of 1826, in his Moscow salon she "hesitated" "the evil brands" on the "government and his servants" - and was simply ready to "break into the government". Directly from her salon went to Siberia Maria Volkonskaya - and her wires were the character of a demonstrative expression of disloyalty to power. Soon Zinaida Volkonskaya accepted Catholicism; In many ways, this step was also a manifestation of political disloteament. Unlike many other family members, Zinaida Volkonskaya constantly wrote his condemned reference letter, which "burned caresses and greetings." As a result, Zinaida Volkonskaya was established by a secret police supervision, which, however, did not apply to Nikita her husband. In the late 1820s. She was just forced to leave Russia.

Sergey Volkonsky himself perceived the sentence calmly. According to his future comrade for Siberian exile A.E. Rosen, at the time of the rite of civil execution, the prince was "especially Bodr and talkative." Apparently, the former general then badly imagined that he was waiting. 10 days after the sentence announced, he was already sent to the place of serving the sentence. He fully realized everything that happened, only arriving at the catguard: first in the Nikolaevsky stationed plant, and then - in the grateful mine, which was part of the Nerchinsky mountainous plant.

The conditions in which the Volkonsky turned out to be at Katorga was truly the hardest. Moreover, for the Decembrists - young, healthy men, former officers, were not difficult for themselves in the mine. Just life convicts was organized in such a way as to completely destroy their human dignity. According to S.N. Chernov, local prison authorities who received from the emperor general instructions on the content of the arrestants, embroidered "cruel patterns on the bosen canvas."

According to the documents that have fallen into the grateful mine, state criminals were under constant supervision; They were forbidden to communicate not only with each other, but in general, with anyone, except prison warders. They selected almost all things, money and books brought from St. Petersburg - they were not allowed to have even a Bible with them. The convicts "used in work" along with other convictions, and at the same time strictly watched, "so that they behave modestly, they were obedient to the warders assigned to him and would not deviate from the work under the pretext of the disease."

Rudnyy bait led a special secret diary, where "noticed ... with all the details, how did the criminals work, what they said in the production of Oyoy, ... what a character showed, whether it was obedient to the authorities and what the state of his health was obedient . Twice a day, before and after the "use of work," was produced by "proper searches" of criminals. From the barracks to the mine and back, they moved with a special convoy - a "reliable" university officer and two ordinary. The convicts can only leave the chamber, accompanied by a clock-added bayonet.

"From the time of my arrival in this place, I am subject to work defined in the mines, I spend days in painful exercises, and resting hours are held in a close dwelling, and always be under the hardest supervision, the measures of which are more stricter than during my imprisonment in the fortress , and in this way you can imagine what kind of need for the need and in which cramped in all respects I am a situation "; "Physical works cannot lead me into despondency, but hearty sorrow, of course, will soon destroy the mortal body" - wrote a Volkonian wife from the grateful mine.

The cautious life immediately undermined the health and psyche of the State Criminal: Volkonsky began a deep depression, accompanied by a sharp nervous disorder. "Cheerfulness" and "talkative" him quickly passed, there was no desire to stand out from the total masses of the convicts. "In the manufacture of work, it was obedient, the character showed a quiet, did not say anything nasty, it is often thoughtful and the sadness", "so characterized the conviction's conviction.

"Masha, to visit me before I omitted to the grave, let me look at you at least once, let me pour your heart all the feelings of my soul."

These lines from his letter eloquently testify: it is the hope of a rapid arrival of his wife to Siberia gave the opportunity to Volkonsky to survive in the first terrible months of cortics.

Maria Volkonskaya became the wife of Sergei Grigorievich in 19 years old, almost did not know the future husband before the wedding and agreed to marriage only at the insistence of his father. After the wedding, Volkonsky almost did not live together together: the affairs of the service and secret societies were forced to leave the prince for a long time to leave his wife.

In January 1826, 5 days before the arrest of Volkonsky, his wife gave birth to the son of Nicholas. Births were difficult, and relatives, fearing for her health, have long hidden from her the truth about the situation in which her husband suddenly turned out to be. However, having learned the truth, Maria Volkonskaya decided to divide the catguard and reference with her husband. And despite the protests of the father and the mother, in November 1826 it was already in the grateful mine. When she arrived, he became better, but only for a while. Shortly after arrival, Maria Volkonskaya reported his husband's husband that "he was nervous and powerless to the extreme", "his nerves recently completely upset, and the improvement I was so happy was only short-term," he seizes "complete humility" and "concentration in yourself "," a sense of religious repentance. "

According to S.N. Chernova, "The painful experiences of the unfortunate Volkonsky acquire a religious shade. He could seek consolation in religion, in a conversation with a priest, in church service. But just here he apparently cannot get anything here. The position of the priest in the grateful mine was most likely simply not provided.

By September, 1827, Volkonsky disease aggravated, the prison authorities paid attention to it. He was found "more than all lost and rather weak." When translating to a new place of cortics, in the Chita Ostrog, he was allowed to take two bottles of wine and a bottle of vodka on the road. The alcohol on the way was to replace the medicine, because when moving "will not meet ... in case of needing in medicines no help for medical."

On September 29, 1827, Volkonsky, together with his comrades, arrives at the new Kathers - in the Chita Ostrog. The content mode of the prisoners here was much more humane. The prison authorities turned out to be "liberal": even daily meetings with their wives were pressed. The health of the prisoner was quickly restored, and with him the previous habits and character traits were restored. "On his health I can not complain ... As for his mood, it is difficult, it can be said - it's almost impossible to meet in someone who has such a clarity of the spirit, like him," wrote M.N. Volkonskaya his relatives. In the courtyard of the Ostrog there was a small garden - and the Volkonsky first became interested in "gloomy".

In the Petrovsky plant, a new prison, where the Decembrists were transferred from Chita in September 1830, Kathers as such were not at all: the criminals were not forced to go to work, those of them who had families could live in an acute with his wives. The Volkonsky in the Petrovsky plant born two children - the son of Mikhail and the daughter of Elena.

Here Volkonsky was still engaged in "agriculture". And even before his calender period expired, the fame of the unusual vegetables and fruits was spreading according to Siberia, which he grown in his greenhouses.

In 1834, the mother of Volkonsky died. After death in her papers, a letter was found with a suicide request to the emperor - to forgive the Son. The royal decree was followed by Volkonsky's liberation from hard labor; For another 2 years, he lived in a Petrovsky plant on the position of the referee.

In the spring of 1837, the Volkonsky family moves to the village of Urick Irkutsk lips. Maria Nikolaevna achieves permission to live in Irkutsk to be able to teach Mikhail's Son in the Irkutsk gymnasium. In 1845, it receives permission to live in Irkutsk and Volkonsky himself, but it practically does not use this right. He still lives in Urika, only occasionally visiting the family in Irkutsk. He now has a completely different life - "Blade" and the merchant.

It is obvious that as the life of state criminals on the cautious and settlement normalized, the relations in the Volkonsky family worsened.

Contemporaries and historians are united in the fact that, dividing the exile of her husband, Maria Volkonskaya made a "feud of love disinterested." Throwing parents and a child who died in 2 years, "she decided to fulfill her duty, the duty that demanded more victims, more dedication," the Decembrist Rosen wrote.

Zinaida Volkonskaya dedicated his relative to the famous poem in prose, in which, in particular, were the following lines: "Oh you, who came to relax in my housing, you, which I knew for only three days and called my friend! .. You have eyes , hair, face color like the Virgin born on the shores of Ganges, and, like her, your life is captured by duty and the victim. "

And the rest of the unknown contemporary is the witness of the departure of Maria Volkonskaya to Siberia from the Moscow Salon Zinaida Volkonskaya, noted that the future extension herself saw the "Deity, Guardian Angel and Comforter" for her husband. And she ordered himself for a sacrifice in the name of her husband "as Christ for people."

But, as the laugant was noticed by her grandson, S.M. Volkonsky, "Where, in fact, the princess, who had fought himself, no one knew that she was herself. And nevertheless, she was driving with some kind of delight ... and only in Nerchinsk, for eight thousand miles away from his home She saw where she came and what (discharge in the text. - OK) Own himself. And the desert surrounding the desert gradually mastered her soul. "

Finding out the details of the personal life of Maria Volkonskaya in Siberia - the matter is just as ungrateful, how and unpromising. Research opinions on this matter were divided, and it is unlikely that the identification of the truth in this matter is so important for the historian of the Decembrists. Visited in 1855 in Siberia, the son of the Decembrist Yakushkin Yevgeny noted that the marriage of Volkonsky, "due to the characters of completely different, it was necessary to subsequently deliver a lot of burning Volkonsky and lead to the drama that was played now in their family."

"A lot goes unprofitable for Mary Nikolaevna rumors about her life in Siberia, - Evgeny Yakushkin notes, - they say that even her son and her daughter - children are not Volkonsky ... All the attachment of children focused on the mother, and the mother looked with some kind of disregard For a husband, which, of course, had an impact on the attitude towards him of children. "

In 1850, the question of marriage of the 15-year-old daughter Volkonsky Elena. Her bridegroom - Siberian official D.V. Molchanov - did not like Volkonsky; He spoke resolutely against this marriage. But "Maria Nikolaevna ... She told her husband's friends, that he would not agree, she would explain to him that he had no right to ban, because he was not his father's father. Although before that, it did not reach it, but the old man finally Led ". Elena Volkonskaya fate ended up in a broken: the financial abuse of Molchanov was under the investigation, then he was seriously ill and soon died.

The lifestyle of Sergey Volkonsky in the settlement was completely out of the lifestyle of his wife. After the end of the convict, he received a large plot of land, and all the forces gave it to processing. The contemporary recalls:

"Once in Siberia, he somehow sharply broke the connection with his brilliant and noble passed, was transformed into a troubled and practical owner and precisely wondered how it was called today. With his comrades, he was also friendly, but there were rarely in their circle , and more brought friendship with the peasants; in the summer I disappeared all day later on the work in the field, and in the winter my favorite pastime in the city there was a visit to the bazaar, where he met many buddies among underfloor peasants and loved with them to silence about their needs and the course of the farm " .

Volkonskaya, "there was a lady very secular, loved society and entertainment and managed to make the main center of Irkutsk public life from his home." In the surrounding Volkonian social society, her husband very quickly acquired a reputation as "Craid" and "Original": "I knew him a lot of shocked, when, passing on Sunday from dinner in the bazaar, saw like a prince, having matured on the irradiation of a man's carts with bulk bread bags , leads a lively conversation with his peasants who surved him, the breakfast is immediately with him the edge of a gray wheat bevel. "In the salon, Volkonsky often appeared blurred by tar, or with shoes of the hay on a dress and in her vane beard, scented with aromas of the livestock or the like unsalonic odors. "," In general, in society, he represented the original phenomenon, although it was very educated. "

By the end of his stay in Siberia, the referee Sergey Volkonsky's own difficulty gathered a decent state - and again managed to "find his destiny, to fail, realize his own personality."

And August 1855, when the news of the death of Nikolai I comes to Siberia, Maria Volkonskaya leaves Irkutsk. It takes, because, apparently, the joint existence of spouses becomes simply impossible. A few days after her departure, the new emperor Alexander II issued a manifesto, which announced the pardon of the remaining Decembrists. In September 1856, throwing "landpad", Siberia leaves Sergey Volkonsky.

After returning from Siberia, Volkonsky lives in the advantage of Moscow, the daughter, several times with the "highest resolution" leaves for treatment abroad]. He carefully follows the political news, its special interest is caused by the preparation of the peasant reform. Now all his hopes in this "holy", he imposes on the new king - Alexander II. "Tsar Yes, the king is one way out of this holy case, exemption from the serf state of the landlord peasants," he writes in a "note of serfdom", compiled at the end of the 1850s. At the same time, he begins to write his memories, which, however, do not have time to finish.

With many provisions of the peasant reform, Volkonsky did not agree - in particular, he was categorically not satisfied with the liberation of peasants without land. However, the fact of the abolition of serfdom in 1861 accepted with delight and tears. "The fact that in their (Decembrists. - O.K.) Time was secretly, now it became clearly," the grandson of the Decembrist S.M. Volkonian.

Sergey Volkonsky died on November 28, 1865, survived his wife for 2 years. Until the last days of life, he, according to his son Mikhail, retained "extraordinary memory, witty speech, a hot attitude to issues of internal and foreign policy and participation in everything close to him"

Decembrist Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky lived a long life. This life, of course, was not easy - but she was never ordinary and boring. In general, it seems to be a dominant of his personality - this is unwillingness to fit into any framework, whether it is a framework for public, class, official, conspirativative or frameworks that determine the life of a political criminal, Siberian referee.

Odnopall Volkonsky, cavalo officers who participated with him in the hussar "fun", subsequently cooled and reached the ranks, but the names of most of them were not preserved in history. Many of his comrades-Decembrists have limited their activities only conversations between Lafitis and Kliko, subsequently avoided punishment and were also forgotten. Many of those who still got into Siberia were broken by a harsh sentence - and either they went crazy here, or died, or they simply did not find their strength to actively build their emercent life.

Volkonsky was among those few participants in the conspiracy, who, having passed the boat and the link, managed not to break and find themselves. If you judge the memoirs that the former convict wrote until the very last day, he considered his own life quite held. "Elected by me," he wrote, "he brought me to the Supreme Criminal Court, and to the relief work, and to the reference life of thirty-year-old, but all this did not change the newly accepted beliefs, and the conscience of my conscience does not lie any oppression."

Hero of war and secular "Had", Prince and the convict, General and "Breakfast" Sergey Volkonsky always remained faithful to himself. He remained faithful and his beloved proverb, which in 1815 reported to a friend Kiselev - "What to the cradle, this and in the grave".

Notes

1. Decembrist uprising. Documents and materials (hereinafter - VD). T. X. M., 1953. P. 98.

2. Volkonskaya E.G. The genus of the princes of Volkonsky. St. Petersburg., 1900. P. 756.

3. RGVIA, F. 489, op. 1, d. 7062, l. 75.

4. Dustyev M.I. Wonderful eccentrics and originals. M., 1990. P. 33. Wed: Volkonsky S.M. About Decembrists (for family memories). GH., 1922. P. 16-18; Cavalers of the Order of St. George Victorious I and II degrees. Biographical dictionary. St. Petersburg., 2002. P. 229.

5. Dustyev M.I. Decree. cit. P. 451, 5.

6. Jerins N.N. Demon theatricality. M.: SPb., 2002. P. 58; 208-216.

7. Lotman Yu.M. Century of heroes // Lotman Yu.M. Conversations about Russian culture. The life and traditions of the Russian nobility (XVIII - the beginning of the XIX century). St. Petersburg, 1994. P. 254-255.

8. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 19-20.

9. RGVIA, F. 489, op. 1, d. 7062, l. 689 about.; Novosille residents T. Prnyugina M.N. Volkonskaya (message Princess barbarians of Nikolaevna Repnina) // Russian old man. 1878. No. VI. P. 336.

10. Modzalevsky B. Decembrist Volkonsky in the cautious work on the grateful mine // Bunce of Decembrists. Jubilee collection. 1825-1925. M., 1926. P. 351.

11. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 90-91, 93.

12. RGVIA, F. 489, op. 1, d. 7062, l. 759.

13. See about it, for example: Finestein M.Sh. Zinaida Volkonskaya // Finestein M.Sh. Pushkin pore writer. L., 1829. P. 64-83.

14. RGVIA, F. 489, op. 1, d. 7062, l. 759 about.

15. Volkonskaya E.G. Decree. cit. P. 717.

16. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. Irkutsk, 1991. P. 104.

17. List of S.G. Volkonsky See: VD. T. X. P. 98-103.

18. Troitsky N.A. The first army partisan detachment in Russia of 1812 // Military-historical studies in the Volga region. Vol. 2. Saratov, 1997. P. 68-69.

19. VD. T. X. P. 101.

20. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 230-231.

21. From the notes A.G. Clamp // Russian archive. 1867. № 1-2. P. 1056-1057.

22. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 304-305.

23. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 15.

24. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 319.

25. Ibid. P. 323.

26. Letters of this year. Volkonsky to pd Kiselev // Katorga and reference. 1933. № 2 (99). P. 107.

27. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 332, 333.

28. Letters of this year. Volkonsky to pd Kiselev. P. 111.

29. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 333.

30. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 98-99.

31. Dustyev M.I. Decree. cit. P. 39.

32. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. Pp. 127, 129-131, 136, 145, 174, 188, 190.

33. Dustyev M.I. Decree. cit. P. 43.

34. RGVIA, F. 395, OP. 65/320, 2 separate, 1 tbsp., 181, d. 350; f. 36, op. 1, d. 617.

35. Ibid, f. 36, op. 1, d. 617, l. 10.

36. ibid, 723.

37. VD. T. X. S. 100.

38. Collection of imperial Russian historical society. T. 78. SPb., 1891. P. 210.

39. Karas N.F., Tikhantovskaya A.3. Decembrist Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky and his "Notes" // Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 13.

40. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 326.

41. ibid. P. 176, 177.

42. Dustyev M.I. Decree. cit. P. 60.

43. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 359.

44. Ibid. P. 364.

45. VD. T. X. P. 104.

46. \u200b\u200bIbid. P. 108.

47. Letters of this year. Volkonsky to pd Kiselev. P. 108-109.

48. ibid. P. 108.

49. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 131.

50. ibid. P. 365.

51. ibid. P. 383.

52. ibid. P. 368.

53. Mullin V. Unknown document on the wedding of Sergei Volkonsky // Russian philology. Collection of scientific student work. Tartu, 1971. P. 87-93.

54. Karas N.F., Tikhantovskaya A.3. Decree. cit. P. 34.

55. Kozachenko A. On the question of the property status of the Decembrist KN. S.G. Volkonsky // Red Archive. 1936. No. 4 (77). P. 21 1-214; His own. Decembrist KN. S.G. Volkonsky, Yak Pariser // Notes of the Istoric-Fialologian VIDDIL All-Ukrainian Academy Sciences. KIIV, 1928. KN. XVII (1928). Pp. 277-314.

56. VD. T. VLL. M., 1958. P. 216.

57. ibid. T. X. P. 156.

58. ibid. T. XII. M., 1969. P. 298.

59. Ibid. T. X. S. 118.

60. Ibid. Pp. 134-135, 149, 153.

61. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. Pp. 178-179.

62. Lemke M. Nikolaev gendarmes and literature. St. Petersburg., 1909. P. 26.

63. Tikhantovskaya A.3., Kapelush B.N., Karas N.F. Comment on "Posses" S.G. Volkonsky // Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 440.

64. VD. T. X. P. 179.

65. Volkonskaya M.N. Notes. M., 1977. P. 28.

66. VD. T. X. P. 144.

67. Ibid. P. 132.

68. VD. T. IV. M.; L., 1927. P. 116.

69. Ibid. T. X. S. 118.

70. Letters of this year. Volkonsky to pd Kiselev. P. 109.

71. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 388.

72. ibid. P. 383.

73. VD. T. HP. P. 98.

74. Ibid. T. XIX. M., 2001. P. 443.48.

75. Ibid. P. 447.

76. Ibid. T. IX. M., 1950. P. 112-113.

77. ibid. T. X. P. 134, 142.

78. Ibid. Pp. 143.

79. Ibid. T. IV. Pp. 171; T. XI. M., 1954. P. 365.

80. Chernov S.N. Decembrist P.IV Pestel. Personal characteristic experience // RO SPBFIRI RAS, F. 302, op. 1, d. 1. P. 60.

81. VD. T. XI. P. 59.

82. Nikolai I. Husband. Father. Emperor. M., 2000. P. 71.

83. Dustyev M.I. Decree. cit. P. 42.

84. VD.T.H.S. 114,140.

85. ibid. P. 108, 109.

86. ibid. P. 110, 118.

87. ibid. P. 111-123.

88. ibid. P. 111, 121.

89. ibid. P. 142.

90. Ibid. P. 149, 155.

91. Ibid. T. XVI. M., 1986. P. 252.

92. ibid. T. X. P. 140.

93. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 32.

94. ibid.

95. RGVIA, F. 395, OP. 15/370, 1 separate, 1826, d. 1, l. 3.

96. 3Avashishin D.I. Memories. M., 2003. P. 327.

97. Novosillese T. Decree. cit. P. 338.

99. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 57.

100. Rosen A.E. Notes of the Decembrist. Irkutsk, 1984. P. 173.

101. Chernov S.N. Decembrists in gratelosk // Decembrists at Katorga and in the link. M., 1925. P. 86.

102. ibid. P. 86-88.

103. Modzalevsky B.L. Decree. cit. P. 346, 351.

104. Chernov S.N. Decree. cit. P. 120.

105. Modzalevsky B.L. Decree. cit. P. 351.

106. Chernov S.N. Decree. cit. P. 117, 120.

107. ibid. P. 121.

108. ibid. P. 122.

109. Gershenzon M.O. Letters M.N. Volkonskaya from Siberia // Russian propilenes. T. 1. M., 1915. P. 44.

110. ibid. P. 99.

111. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 74-75.

112. Rosen A.E. Decree. cit. P. 230.

113. Venevitinov MA Wires of Maria Volkonskaya in Siberia // Russian Starina. 1875. No. 4. P. 825.

114. ibid. P. 822.

115. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 51-52.

116. See, eg: Popova O.I. HISTORY OF LIFE M.N.VOLKOVSKAYA // LESS. M.; L., 1934 with 23

117. Matxaanov N.P. Decembrist Alexander Viktorovich Podzhio // Podzhio A.V. Notes. Letters. Irkutsk 1989 pp. 35. et al.

118. Letters E.I. Yakushkin to his wife from Siberia. 1855 // Decembrists in the settlement. From the archive of Yakushkina. M., 1926. P. 51-52.

119. Belogola N.A. From the memories of Siberian about the Decembrists // Decembrists in the memoirs of contemporaries. M., 1988. P. 367-368.

120. Ibid. P. 367.

121. Volkonsky S.G. Notes on serfdom. Introductory article, publication and comments N.F. Karash // December 14, 1825 Sources, research, historiography, Bibliography issued IV SPb-Chisinau, 2001. P. 252.

122. Volkonsky S.M. Decree. cit. P. 114; 130. Volkonsky MS Afterwording to the "note" SPb., 1901. P. 510-511.

123. Volkonsky S.G. Notes. P. 359.

124. Letters of the S.G. Volkonsky to pd Kiselev. P. 109.

prince, art historian and theatrical figure, Russian writer, grandson of Decembrist S.G. Volkonsky and M. N. Volkonskaya

Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky was born 4 (16) May 1860 in Fall, the estate of Benkendorfov-Volkonsky, now Keila Yova (Estonia), not far from Tallinn. He grew up in the family, the past was inextricably connected with Russian history.

His father - Mikhail Sergeevich Volkonsky, recorded at birth to the factory peasants and later who later became a friend of the Minister of Folk Enlightenment - the Son of the Decembrist Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky and his wife, Maria Nikolaevna, nee Raevskaya. (On the maternal line Maria Nikolaevna was Mikhail Lomonosov's lug.)

Mother of Sergei Mikhailovich - Elizabeth Grigorievna Volkonskaya, born blonde princess Volkonskaya. Her grandfather from the father's side is Peter Mikhailovich Volkonsky, the hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, the head of the General Staff under Alexander I, and with the parent - chief of the gendarm Graf Benkendorf. Elizabeth Grigorievna Volkonskaya was one of the most famous Russian women of their time.

Having received a serious education, owning freely, (at the level of native Russian!) Common foreign languages, she brought up in Rome to seventeen years and was able to instill true, gentle love for this country. Elizaveta Grigorievna enthusiastically engaged in history (wrote a book - a study "Rod of Princes Volkonsky", not lost significance to this day; for the first time, after the death of Princess, in 1900) and philosophy, playing the amateur scene (in the Volkon's home theater), had everything Your independent and hard look. When she accepted Catholicism, in St. Petersburg - Court and Sanovna - this caused a whole storm of disputes and indignation. And after the exit in Germany, her books "About the Church" (in 1887), the victorious said about Elizabeth Grigorievna, that "Princess - the most dangerous woman in Russia!" Vladimir Solovyov, with a close friend of which she was, called her "a rare force of the mind and cardiac directness."

Childhood and Youth Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky passed in the St. Petersburg House of Parents, then one of the centers of St. Petersburg cultural, and a court life. How naturally was approximated by the Volkonsky family to the highest circles of St. Petersburg, you can understand from the episode, which Sergey Mikhailovich told in his "memories": "I met in the summer garden and Empress Maria Alexandrovna (the spouse of Emperor Alexander II). More than once she stayed, friendly I nodding us, and once entered into a conversation with our governess Elizabeth ... Ta, with squatting on every answer, he told everything that he should, and the empress, smiling and affectionately on the cheek of the younger brother Grisha, ordered to convey the mama bow from her .. . You can imagine our pride when we have brought a mother with a mother - from the empress! " (Volkonsky S.M. "Vasilyevsky Island". Excerpts from memories)

In the House of Volkonsky, in addition to the highest courtiers, A.K. Tolstoy, F.I. Tyutchev, Ya.P. Polonsky, A.N. Mikov, I.S. Turgenev, VS Solovyov and a number of people whose names make up the glory and pride of Russia.

It was on the home stage of the Volkonsky theater in 1892 for the first time a premiere of the play Alexei Konstantinovich Tolstoy "Tsar Fyodor John", before that, forbidden by censorship to theatrical formulation. Sergey Mikhailovich played the role of Tsar Fyodor.

From 1887 to 1880, Sergey Volkonsky studied at the IV Larinsky Gymnasium on Vasilyevsky Island. His teachers were: Viktor Petrovich Ostrogorsky - an outstanding philologist, the author of several scientific papers and teaching techniques, Professor Kathan Andreyevich Koszovich - "Cute older, who is emitted from the world" and "reading free from the leaf ancient texts in Sanskrit", and many other teachers grateful Lines of which are scattered throughout the text of extensive memories of Volkonsky.

To the "light" students treated strictly, the descent did not give anything, but the Volkonian brilliance studied (Sergey was in the gymnasium together with Brother Vladimir), were especially capable of languages. Among the comrades for the gymnasium Sergey Volkonsky was Mikhail Nikolaevich Chernyshevsky - the Son of the famous author "What to do?". "Smart, capable, talented narrator, he often had a fun of us what he read out loud or invented on the course of history with interesting plots. Often composed the original Basinie Popourry and they were concentrated. It is a pity that I don't remember any of them!" - Subsequently served Sergey Mikhailovich. In the summer of 1880, after graduating from the gymnasium, the Volkonian whole family went on vacation abroad, to Spain and Italy. For Sergey, it was the time of serious preparation for admission and practice in Italian and Spanish.

In September of the same year, Volkonsky entered the Historical and Philology Faculty of St. Petersburg University, where he specialized in Romanesque languages \u200b\u200bfrom Professor Alexander Nikolayevich Veselovsky. Sergey Mikhailovich recalled: "My father, like a trustee of the district, was familiar with all professors of the university. On Mondays, in the evenings, we were collected (in seventies) numerous and interesting society ... Here I saw the famous Slavista, Izmail Ivanovich Szreznevsky. With a white beard, a thin, high old man. A man of a very big culture and infected to infect interest to what he taught ...

Often we have reading. Alexey Konstantinovich Tolstoy read, Polonsky read, - both read worse than bad. Mikov read once "three deaths", another time "two worlds" and much more. This was a real reader, with clear logical and brightly artistic reading.

Then we started to put two scenes from the "king of Boris", I played Boris and Mikes took me, the boy, in this help ... I can say here that Poverty - put homemade performances - went to St. Petersburg from our home, and that experience With the king of Boris, was the first.

We had easily and sometimes read Vladimir Soloviev. "(S. M. Volkonsky. Vasilyevsky Island. My memories)

At the University, Sergey studied easily, according to his own words, "she finished a decent candidate. Most of all I was pleased with the joy of my father. The cumshot only Irkutsk gymnasium, as the son of the state criminal, who Nicholas I did not allow you to enter the university, saying:" Will be with His gymnasium! ", My father, I wanted to see the sons of my students, and when I release - candidates ..." (ibid). At the end of the University, Sergey Mikhailovich served for some time in the Zemstvo institutions of the Borisoglebsky county of the Tambov province, and in the early 1990s, he was already listed under the Ministry of Folk Enlightenment. From the ministry, he was sent as part of the Russian delegation to the World Exhibition in Chicago, in 1893. Here Volkonsky spoke with public lectures on the female question in Russia and his impressions of America ... In 1896, Sergey Mikhailovich was again invited to America Lowell University in Boston. He read a whole range of lectures in the largest universities in the United States: Chicago, Colombian, Cornish ... In Harvard, after the readings of Volkonsky, the department was founded by the Department of Slavic Narschi, which gave a powerful impetus to the study of the culture of Russia. At Harvard, Volkonsky met and became close to the outstanding American scientists, literary critic, professor of the history of the arts of Ch.E. Norton. Reading in America a course of lectures was published by a separate book that was highly appreciated by V.S. Solovyov, who marked that "Volkonsky fulfilled with great success in America an interesting task: to show Russia face. This is a man's human face unfamom and the more interesting." At the same time, Volkonsky often performs on the pages of the Journal of Europe Journal with articles on the problems of art and aesthetics. Often appeared in this solid and reading all the journal his witty, subtle reviews - the analysis of new ballet, opera and theatrical productions.

In July 1889, Prince Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky was appointed director of the imperial theaters and for two years of his stay at this post theatrical art of Russia was marked by many reforms. There were large changes in the opera, ballet, dramatic repertoire. New director were brought to work on the stage of the imperial theaters of young and talented artists from the unification of the World of Art: K. Korovin, A. Benua, K. Somov, V. Serov, A.M. Vasnetsov, Nikolai Roerich, F. Malyavin, A.Ya. Golovin and others.

Especially made a lot of Volkonsky for the development of musical and theatrical art. He returned all the operas of Roman Corsakov on the stage. Wagner operas were also included in the repertoire of Greater and Mariinsky. Many outstanding musicians and conductors believed their honor to work on the stage of imperial theaters, under the leadership of Volkonsky. It was especially highly appreciated by his activity legendary Marius Petipa, whose novelty choreography, who became a classic now, then hardly leaving on stage.

Sergey Mikhailovich in nature, oddly enough, was neither a government officer nor the administrator ... he was "an artist to the brain of bones, hotly devoteed art" (A. Benua), truly creative kind. His gusts are not always impulse and devotion to his beloved business - he inherited from his famous grandfather and grandmother a truly noble, the Decembrist spirit - they met an understanding of the environment not only from art officials, but also artists ...

The Directorate of Imperial Theaters was subordinate to the Ministry of the courtyard and was always enveloped by a network of small intrigues. A sad misunderstanding with Dyagilev, who held at a Volkonsky official for special instructions, passed into a quarrel, this was somehow known at the courtyard, and in the winter of 1901, Prince Volkonsky was dismissed from the service.

At the beginning of the century, his name is increasingly appearing on the pages of Russian periodic press. He collaborates in the Apollo magazine (from 1910 to 1914). In the book publishing of this journal there are several books Volkonsky: "Man on stage" (1911), "Artistic responses" (1912), "Expressive Word" (1913), "Responses of the Theater" (1914), as well as the Jacques Book D'Odino Art and gesture "- translated by Volkonsky (1912).

A large place in all these works was given the basics of stage speech and movement. I must say that these works of Volkonsky highly appreciated K.S. Stanislavsky and much of them laid the basics of their famous theater system.

In 1912, the first artistic book Volkonsky, "Talk", written in the form of dialogues for a variety of topics, written in the form of dialogues for a variety of topics: about Russian, about the past family of the author. Many of the topics raised in the "conversations" were later developed in other books ("My memories", "Homeland", "Copper Horseman").

Volkonsky was in great friendship with K. Stanislavsky, and he extremely highly appreciated him and did everything to attract to cooperate in the art theater, on stage.

Prince Sergey received even a role in the play G.D. Annuzio "Dead City" and was supposed to be in the autumn season of 1911-12 enrolled in the MCAT troupe. But the high court position of Sergey Mikhailovich was prevented by the High Court, he was a gofmaster of the courtyard and this title did not allow him to appear on the scene of the theater, which he madly loved. Volkonsky considered the theater "Holy Place, where the work of the Spirit continuously occurs, but only the spirit is possible for real, joyful work." (Volkonsky. "Artistic responses. 1912 S-PB.)

For Sergey Mikhailovich himself was very characterized by the spirit of wanderings, he traveled, probably half a major, he made a world journey, especially loved to be in Italy, called her the second native home. It is worth mentioning that Sergey Mikhailovich accepted Catholicism in the conscious age, and was the so-called Catholic Eastern Rite.

(In Russia, the transition to Catholicism was quite a rare phenomenon that existed only among the highest circles of the aristocracy and is associated with the Zaradnoye, the frozen state of the Russian Orthodox Church ... But the tradition of the transition to the Catholic faith was still ... It is enough to remember M. Lunina, P.Ya. Chahaadaeva, I.S. Gagarin. A serious attraction to Catholicism was also tested by V. Solovyov - the spiritual mentor Volkonsky, a lot of thinking about the association of churches, Orthodox and Catholic ...)

And at the same time, this sophisticated European, capable of being a citizen of the world, has some kind of gentle, children's love for Russia, the Earth's depth.

In the estate of Pavlovka Borisoglebsky County of the Tambov province, Sergey Mikhailovich bases schools for peasants, hospitals and pharmacies, as well as the first Museum of Decembrists - on the basis of the archive of their famous ancestors. In this museum, portraits of the Decembrists of Bestumev, documents on the participation of General Volkonsky in Napoleonic Wars, his combat awards, sophisticated grandmother's letters in French, her ring that was once Pushkin, Places Kards and Links - Watercolor N.A. Bestumev, N.G. Repnina, A.P. Yushnevsky and others. All this was not just gathered and kept, but was sheatically degraded and love, even some reverent trepidation.

In Pavlovka, before the revolution itself, Sergey Mikhailovich worked on the multi-volume edition of the "Archive of the Decembrist S.G. Volkonsky". In this edition, Active participation took by B.L. Modzalevsky. It was not completed due to the flavored fire of the revolution ... Several times the life of Volkonsky was literally in the balance because of the desperate hatred of Hooligan him and all shatter, boldly writing himself into revolutionaries, the Mrajor Sailors, who was full of Borisoglebsk. Sergey Mikhailovich had to leave the native places under the threat of reprisals. His estate was defeated, the library was cleared almost completely, only 8 books of the writings of Sergey Mikhailovich himself managed to save! .. With a Kotomka books in one hand and a cotton laundry in another, a "rocky prince" appeared in Moscow, miraculously avoiding death. It was in November 1918.

For some time, Volkonsky teaches in the Theater Studios of Moscow, he reads lectures using mad popularity, especially among the workers of the Petrograd side. Maybe, without understanding, they chose a genuine culture, genuine knowledge that stood behind this man ...

In December 1920, Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky was acquainted with Marina Tsvetaeva. For her, friendship with him was one of the strongest spiritual supports in life. He is dedicated to the cycle of beautiful poems "student" ...

The Volkonsky's amazing letters later designed in the book "life and being" - amazing in perfect style, the pronounced power of the Spirit and the thirst for creativity - and this is in the years of terror, hunger, the unpleasuries and the usualness of death! Modern Russia still did not read it, as well as the other works of Volkonsky, published abroad.

In these heavy, incredibly difficult years, in the apartment with bare walls, with nasty "coffee" (with chicken or beetroot water!) On Kerosinka, without light (from the letter, Sergey Mikhailovich continues to work on his books of memoirs and memories of Decembrists, Over the new book on stage speech and movement ... All these works were completed in three incomplete years - from 1919 to 1921.

A.N. Benua recalls his meeting with Volkonsky in those years: "At the meeting, I am striking his appearance and terrible thinness, testifying for difficult living conditions ... I sympathize and hear the most unexpected things in response:" What are you, I have never been happy , as it is now! I finally have all I can surrender to my work, the rest for me does not exist! .. "There is no doubt that when he is on the Moscow boulevard, assured me that he was happy, he was absolutely sincere! .."

But in December 1920, Sergey Mikhailovich leaves Moscow, from Russia to never return ... Consciously encourages himself to the share of the eternal Wanderer. Trying to understand what is happening in Russia, he could not see his seat on this truck and blood of the earth ... Culture, the lining "be born from himself," was alien to him, he did not see the future for her. And all the ties with the past were torn off, trampled, dorregated with the root! The last drop that was overwhelmed by the infinite bowl of patience was the news of the plundering of the Decembrist collection, so loved by them collected, and arson of the estate Pavlovka together with schools and hospitals!

In 1922-25 S.M. Volkonsky is located in Germany and Italy, and from the mid-twenties lives in Paris. In various educational institutions of the European capital, he teaches a scenic speech, lectures on Russian literature, culture and history, cooperates with the largest emigrant newspaper "Latest News", participates in the arrangement of the famous "Parisian seasons" Dyagilev. In 1936-37, after the death of A.K. Glazunov, Volkonsky - Director of the Russian Conservatory in Paris.

His friendship with Marina Tsvetaeva continues, also moved to Paris. Sergey Mikhailovich actively helps Marina in the arrangement of her little evenings of poetry, and on one of them on May 29, 1929, in the hall of the bath, Volkonsky reads his story "Rehearsal and View".

People who knew Volkonsky always hit the harmony of his external and internal appearance: no trait was broken by this amazing inner harmony. He himself sometimes seemed an artistic way created by the poet, there was nothing casual in him. This harmony between the inner and external "I", this impeccability of his "self-writhing", was one of its charm, allocated volkonsky among any crowd. According to Yuri Sazonov, "he possessed that calm spiritual grace, which only gets elects ..." (Y. Sazonov. Memory S.M. Volkonsky Paris "Latest News" December 18, 1937. No.611). And he was the chief of the Silver Age, the Bulletin of the Past, "the strange, amazing and genius man" (Marina Tsvetaeva), who did not recognize the power of the time and the stringent to tie all the torn threads in one ... did it manage to him? Judge only to you, readers!

The Russian wanderer died, the "descendant of the December blizzard" 16 (17?) December 1937 in Richmond (USA), where he was buried.

P.S. It was one of the most moral articles for me.

Gorky was to read and write (even more so!) On the burnt estate, a plundered library, ruined collection, inaccurately, carelessly installed date of death, unqualified, unknown, unknown books, scarce materials in the Internet system. Is it really the only way to give a tribute to the memory, which is capable of Russia? .. God is a judge ... (author)

* In the preparation of this article, the materials of the publication of the magazine "Our Heritage" No.4 are used. 1991. "Volkonsky - Hero of the Silver Age."

Wonderful thing Internet. I did not make friends with the descendant of the Decembrist of Prince Sergei Volkonsky for the FB. Maxim.

As a romantic girl, I was fond of the Decembrists in my youth. I seemed to me from the story. At the same time, you do not think about the other side, about the sense, about the state, about the right.

We all were fascinated by the movie "Star of Wreaty Happiness", what was Kostoloshevsky !!! But all the time it seemed to me that all the historians of the Decembrists as it were biased to the prince Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky and his wife.

Prince Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky One of the most famous representatives of the genus. His biography is "clouded" with such a mythmantmistry, which is already difficult to see the real Decembrist Volkonsky. Refute the main errors and myths.

At first glance, it is difficult to challenge, since the "attempt on the zaryabiism" was also proved by the investigative commission, and recognized by Prince himself, Sergei, as a result of the case of conspirators. However, there is an important nuance that deserves mention. There is a lot of evidence that Prince Sergey, many contemporaries considered "Nido-boring" (Samara-Bykov, notes) and "Gnaming" (Maria Nikolaevna Volkonskaya, "Notes") by a person who, according to the testimony of Katorzhan, saw in anyone his neighbor and They were amazed by his participation in a conspiracy with the aim of Tsarubiyism (Samara-Bykhovo). Somehow it was not knitted with his appearance and human qualities in the presentation of those who knew him.
Prince Sergei himself later explained that members of the Southern Society were obliged to sign a document on the consent of the Kingubius as a guarantee of the nurseries from society, but that no one was going to do this point. As for "Nobody" - an exaggeration, if you recall the testimony of Alexander Viktorovich Poggio, who offered himself as a queuby after the arrest of Pavel Ivanovich Pestel.
The words of Prince Sergey, of course, can be interpreted as an attempt of late excuse. But she was made after condemnation and cortics and no dividends to bring the prince could not. In any case, with his own words, he believed in this and the Kingubius began to become not going. It is known that after 1822, he did not support any call for the queue expressed at a meeting of southern society.

Here is what his wife Maria Nikolaevna said in his notes, turning to children: "Your father, generous of people, never had a feeling of malleavism to the emperor Nikolai, opposite that, he gave properly to his good qualities, the persistence of his character and the comprehension in many cases; He added that in any other state he would have suffered a strict punishment. I answered it that it would not be to the same extent, since he does not sentence a person to religious work, to a single conclusion and do not leave the link only for his political convictions and for being a member of the secret society; For in no uprising, your father did not participate, and if in their meetings, it was stated about a political coup, he still did not follow to the words as the facts. Currently, it is not yet said in all the corners of St. Petersburg and Moscow, and meanwhile, no one is subject to conclusion because of this. "

2. "Sergey Volkonsky, being a flue-adjutant emperor, was always in sight of him after the end of the war. Alexander I was interested not only by his military service, but also his general behavior. Probably, the emperor hoped that after the war, the young Major General would coach himself, would get rid of his bad hussar habits and matures. But that did not happen".

"Alliance" and "youngerness" of Prince Sergey in detail, and even with love, are described in his "notes" (nostalgia for the young years - notes were written when the prince Sergey was in 70 years), but the latest evidence of these "pants" belong to 1811, when the Volkonsky, born December 19, 1788, was only 22 years old, although he was already a flue-adjutant Emperor Alexander and Rothmistrome.
As far as I know, there is absolutely no evidence that such "youngerness" continued in his mature years, but this is not a founded "assumption" with the sticker "most likely" continues its now independent life on the Internet.

Some historians believe that the reason for the career failures of the prince is that even then he discovered signs of "free-robes."
N.F. Karasha and A.3.Tyhantovskaya see the attack of the imperial "displeasure" in the fact that Volkonsky "did not forgive his stay in France during the return of Napoleon with about. Elba. Also, "not forgiven" Volkonsky, the fact that in Paris - after the restoration of Bourbons - he tried to stand up for the Colonel Labedaireer, who was the first to pass with his regiment on the side of Napoleon and sentenced to death and even enlisted in this support of his sister Sophia and Rigeon Zinaida Volkonsky. Emperor Alexander Pavlovich was treated.

3. Now ENCORE UNE FOIS about the marriage of Prince Sergey at Maria Nikolaevna Raevskaya - a favorite Internet topic: "General Raevsky thought for several months, but in the end he agreed to marry his daughter. She was 19 years old, and she was 19 years younger than groom. "

Incorrectly, Maria Raevskaya was 17 years old Sergey Volkonsky - at the time of the wedding on January 11, 1825 she only turned 19 years old (the mature age for the girl "on the issuance" at the time), and the prince Sergey - 36, and both were born in December .

General Nikolai Nikolayevich Raevsky agreed to marriage so quickly how his letter with consent to the matchmaker came from the bumps to the Knucky Sergey who had left for the Caucasus for the Caucasus for a month. Moreover, in the Raevsky archive there is a letter of General Raevsky future son-in-law, where he hurries him with a wedding, quoting the poems of the Saadi in love ...

"All his daughters is charm," Pushkin's brother wrote. There is no doubt that it was so, but Alexander Sergeevich wrote these words when Masha Raevskaya was not more than 14 years old, and the poet liked her elder sister Catherine.

Let us allow myself a little critically referring to the evaluation of the original data of this marriage, differing from common Internet.

For some reason, it is customary to assume that Masha Raevsky's young beauty, who had a lot of admirers, almost forcibly married Prince Sergey, and that marriage was unequal.
Yes, in all indicators, the marriage was unequal, but it was Prince Sergey that married his capabilities below, simply because they fell in love (see His "Notes").

The descendant of Rurikovich and on the paternal and the mother line, the famous handsome and lovers of ladies, hero and rich in the bridegroom, Prince Sergey Volkonsky took a bad bride in his wife, without the title, whose mother was Lomonosov's wildlife - that is, from the peasants, though free.

So maybe beautiful? Beauty is the concept of subjective (Beauty Is in the Eye of the Beholder), and Sergey Grigorievich adored his wife all his life (his personal correspondence, including his famous letter to Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin with a notice of engagement).

However, here is the evidence of only two contemporaries, the first refers to 1824, and the second by 1826:
"Mary ... badly, but very attractive to the sharpness of conversations and tenderness of the appeal" (V.I. Tumansky, Letter S.G.Tumanskaya 5 Dec 1824 from Odessa) - a month before the wedding.

From the diary of the poet Venerevitinov regarding the forgiveness of the evening, arranged by the princess Zinaho Volkonsky's daughter-in-law in Moscow: "December 27, 1826. Yesterday I spent the evening, unforgettable for me. I saw her for the second time and even more recognized the unfortunate princess Maria Volkonskaya. She is not good, but her eyes are extremely much expressing ... ".

Perhaps, nevertheless, Mary Nikolaevna had a lot of fans, and the prince Sergei his walling violated some romantic plans? So it was not! Apart from the same Alexander Sergeyevich, perhaps one of his poems a 14-year-old adolescent, was just one serious contender - Polish Count Gustav Oolizar.
At the same time, masted historians, and the Internet "specialists" forget to mention that the "proud Polish graph" Olizar at the time of the matchmaker to Masha Raevskaya was a widow with two children ...

Why are all these trivial little things preceding this alliance, so important in understanding the entire spectrum of relations between Maria and Sergey Volkonski? Because they are based on the root distorted ideas that the spouses allegedly did not associate the most tender feelings at the time of the arrest of Prince Sergey, and all this - contrary to written testimonies.

In turn, the same unlawful ideas are used by many modern authors, so that there are too much to dramatize some serious differences (and who does not have them for 30 years of marriage?), Arising in the Volkonian family already in the settlement. But about it later.

4. "Before the wedding, young Maria Raevskaya really did not know his groom, and after the wedding, Volkonsky plunged both in the service and conspiracy of the secret society."

Completely agree with this postulate, "notes of both spouses are equally indicated about this.
But does it take a lot of time to fall in love with a decent and beautiful person? A week? Month? One day? Prince Sergey, according to his own testimony ("Notes"), was "in love for her". And what about Maria Nikolaevna? Here is its own written evidence, as well as involuntary evidence of her relatives.
She wrote the first letter to her husband, longing for him in the estate during one of many of his signs:
"I can not convey to you, as the thought that you are not here with me, makes me sad and unhappy, because at least you instilled in me hope promise to return to the 11th, I understand perfectly what it was told by you only for In order to calm me a little, you will not be allowed to leave. My dear, my adorable, my idol serge! I spell you all that you have the most expensive, do everything so that I can come to you if it is decided that you have to stay in your post. "

"Adorable", "Kumir"? Is it so writing an unloved husband? Is it so desperately bored?
But another written certificate, who avoided the home censorship of Raevsky, is a note, which Maria wrote Sergey immediately after receiving information about his arrest hidden by Raevski, finally became known to her:
"I learned about your arrest, a cute friend. I do not allow myself to despair ... Whatever your destiny, I will share it with you, I will follow you in Siberia, on the edge of light, if it takes, - do not doubt it for a minute, my favorite serge. I will share with you and prison, if you have a sentence you will stay in it "(March, 1926).

Three years later, when Maria Nikolaevna was already in Chita, in 1829, General Raevsky wrote the daughter of Catherine: "Masha Healthyova, in love with his husband, sees and argues, according to Volkonsky and Raevsky, nothing else has nothing ...".

Masha Sophia Alekseevna's mother in the same 1829 he writes to her in Chita: "You are talking in letters to the sisters that I seemed to die for you. And whose wine? Your adorable husband. "

In 1832, in the very one when the Son Mikhail Sergeevich was born in the Petrovsky plant, Brother Maria Nikolai Nikolaevich Raevsky in his letter foams her that she writes about her husband "with fanaticism."

But the most important words Maria Nikolaevna wrote her husband Sergei before his departure to Nerchinsky mines: "Without you, I like without life!".

5. "On the feat of Mary Volkonskaya, about her decision to divide the fate with her husband and follow him to Siberia to the catguard and the link is known, probably, to each person who can read in Russian."

It was real love, and none of the wives following her husbands in Siberia (including Maria Nikolaevna, although often her voluntary expulsion love to represent, as a degree of debt or worse - exalted), the feat did not consider this act, because they followed For loved ones, which, of course, does not mean that this act should not be treated with sincere respect for the descendants. The feat of love it really was.

6. Finally, come to the main thing, so-called. "Questionnaire" Sergey Grigorievich and his hobbies in Siberia. Many "specialists" refer to a large quote from the memories of Nikolai Nikolayevich Belogolovoye, the pupil of Alexander Viktorovich Sodahio.

How reliable the memories of a person who was at that time (1845), according to his own words, a child (11 years old), and the 40-year-old Maria Nikolaevna "seemed an old woman" - from the same memories?

By 1837, Volkonsky - Maria Nikolaevna 31 years old, Sergey Grigorievich - 48 years old, 5-year-old Mikhail Sergeevich (Michel) and 3-year-old Elena Sergeevna (Nelli) - the latest, from the Petrovsky plant, finally went to the settlement - a year later Than all the rest of the factory workers, because long fought for the right to live near the Decembrist Dr. Wolf, who was very trusted as a doctor and did not want to risk the health of young painful children. In addition, Maria Nikolaevna has already suffered from heart attacks, which he was dying later in Irkutsk and forced to leave Siberia for six months earlier than her husband (for a par with another important reason - see below), and Sergey Grigorievich - received in partisan swamps to the Napoleonic Company Rheumatism, aggravated religious years, and the family was allowed to go to local mineral waters (accompanied by Feldgerer) to the settlement in the village of Urika - next to Dr. Wolf, as they both sought.

By this time, their material circumstances were very constant (here it is not a place to discuss what led to this, but not least, in view of the death in 1834 Mother of Sergei Grigorievich Ober-Hofmeister of the Imperial Court of Princess Alexandra Nikolaevna Volkonskaya-Repnina, which until the end of life Supported the beloved younger son and daughter-in-law and financially and morally, constantly achieving the emperor to overlook), and Sergey Grigorievich had to somehow maintain a family.
The state benefits and money sent from the sadders of his estates that rely on his wife and were granted to her brother Alexander Nikolayevich Raevsky, not enough dubious ways.

Trubetskaya, for example, did not experience financial problems, but many other religious religious religious problems, or lived by tutoring, as both of the casualties in children of the same Volkonsky (Senior Brother Yosif Viktorovich was married to Mary Nikolaevna's cousin, and they were considered relatives).

But Sergey Grigorievich did not give his family, but chose to be given the "original" (Correspondence Ivan Ivanovich Pushina).
By law, the refrigerant could be engaged solely only agriculture.
Perhaps some former aristocrats and have fallen that the most born of them - as a joke and in friendship gave him in the letters of the Pushkin "Descendant Rurikovich" knocked her sleeves and plowed a plow, - but he did it for his adorable family, and not at all From eccentricity, and - the honor of him and praise - she achieved great success.

Sergey Grigorievich managed to be a significant fortune in Siberia by Honor and his famous greenhouses (memories of Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky). By the way, later, other references took up gold defolds (Alexander Sodahio) and even soaping (Gorbachevsky), but unsuccessfully.

Of course, Volkonsky did not go with her myself, but he took him to put on him, hired men, hesitated the relevant literature and put the "case" on the scientific basis.
In his library in the House-Museum in Irkutsk is kept a huge collection of books on agriculture.
The fact that the former prince Volkonsky did not hurt work on Earth, testifies not to his mind, but about devotion to the family, real intelligence, true aristocrat and full neglect to the opinion of the people - and these features were known from youth, the many very interesting evidence.

Prince Sergey Mikhailovich Volkonsky in his family memories argued that Sergey Grigorievich was largely influenced by the People's Moods of the Count Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoy, with whom he met at the end of the 50s. After reference.

Sergey Grigorievich was trained in the youth of mathematics and fortifications and he himself designed and led the construction of a large mansion in Urika, who he liked him so much that she asked Sergey Grigorievich to move the whole house later to Irkutsk, which he did - a log to a log.

He designed and led the construction for the cottage family in Ust-Kudow on the hangar, which was called "Kamachnik", and where other references were often running away.

Another one of the well-known features of Sergei Volkonsky was that he was easily fond of - everything was done with pleasure and thoroughly - hence and success. In addition, it was talented - one enthusiasm will not cry and do not work at home!
Volkonsky brought a stable, cattle, 20 people servants, children had governess and governers.

Yes, Volkonsky loved to communicate with men, ride the fairs, there is a scratch of bread with them.
But he really "wondered", how does the juvenile stalk of Belogolova writes? Look on the Internet two Dougurotype - both of 1845, that is, to which the memories of the Belogolov.

One - 39-year-old Maria Nikolaevna, another - 56-year-old Sergey Grigorievich.
Firstly, the absence of a 17-year-old difference in the age of age is immediately striking the lack of a 17-year difference, and secondly, Sergey Volkonsky in this photo is an elegant and even united interesting Mr. Middle-aged.
Not in the velvet jacket, he was going to the field and ride the fair with the guys? Everything has its place and time.

By the way, approximately at the same time (1844), Volkonsky hired for Michel a tutor from Sabinskiy Polyakov - Yulia Sabinsky. In his memoirs, Sabinsky did not mention anything about the "mediating" of the prince or his family troubles - and he would know this from the first hands.

Here is an extensive quote:
"The same day in the night in urica. (20 Monday, 1844)
After an almost biennial absence, I was adopted by all the most cordial society. Truly nice to observe the friendly feelings of himself in the house, whose resident I should soon become; Also cute me to believe in the sincerity of friendly confessions, because what would make these respected and kind people for duplicate with me.
On the road with Volkonsky, and here with both spouses we talked a lot about the upbringing. After dinner, he stayed in a room for a long time in the room, where I had to spend the night, discussing with me different circumstances such an important subject. He introduced me to me with the most important features of the nature of his son, special inconsistencies, not silent and about some shortcomings. We disassembled what means can be the most effective for the development of the first and fixes of the latter, which for this boy can be the direction according to the present situation of parents, their desires and the place, which son can occupy in society. "

So, the testimony of an adult and intelligent person Pana Yulia Sabinsky is located in Dissonance with the memory of a 11-year-old boy if the White Boyhead.

But let's listen to this boy - after 15 years:
"I was then a doctor and lived in Moscow, passing my doctor's exam; Once I get a note from Volkonsky with a selection to visit it. I found it although White, like LUN, but vigorous, lively and moreover, so elegant and francate, as I never had it in Irkutsk; His long silver hair was carefully combed, his as a silver beard was trimmed and noticeably wounded, and all his face with thin features and craved with wrinkles did such an elegant, picturesque old man, which could not be passed by him, without adopting this biblical beauty . Return after amnesty to Russia, a trip and live abroad, meetings with the people who are lived and with his youth friends and that reverent honor, with what everywhere it was met for the tests made - all this was somehow transformed and made it and did a spiritual sunset of this Anxious life is unusually clear and attractive. He became much lifting and immediately began to vividly tell me about his impressions and meetings, especially abroad; Political issues again occupied him again, and he seemed to leave their agricultural passion in Siberia along with all his local setting of the referee "(memories of N. Belogolovoy).

This quote, everything clarifies - there was no eccentricity or a special agricultural passion, but there was a need to contain their family in dignity and prosperity.

7. "It was not destined to be a happy end of living in Siberia Sergey and Maria Volkonsky.
As their life in Irkutsk took normal and civilized forms, the relationship between them became increasingly stretched.
And in August 1855, the news of the death of Nikolai I comes to Siberia. Oddly enough, according to the testimony of contemporaries, Sergey Volkonsky "cried as a child."
Maria Volkonskaya leaves her husband and leaves Irkutsk.
The collaborative life of the spouses by this time was impossible. "

Let's go back to the relocation of Volkonski in Irkutsk from Urica.
It was dictated by the need to give a formal education to Mikhail Sergeevich in the local Irkutsk gymnasium.

Initially, Volkonsky and Trubetsky had to overcome the resistance of the authorities who wanted to record children in educational institutions as Sergeyev, but with the help of Count Alexander Christophore Benkendorf (Self-sexer Sergey Volkonsky and the Future Swat) and Count Alexei Orlova (Brother's husband of Ekaterina Raevskaya) It was able to settle and retained the names fathers.
By the way, Maria Nikolayevna was worried most, she wrote to Brother Alexander Raevsky, which will never agree to the deprivation of her children named after their father.
In her notes, she describes how he said to children: "No, you will not leave me, you will not renounce your father!". This shock was brutally affected by Maria Nikolaevna's health.

In the Archive of Raevsky, letters of Maria Nikolaevna Grafu Alexey Orlov, in which she literally struggles for the right of her husband to follow the family from Urika to Irkutsk, since at first permission was given only to her and children.
In the end, Volkonsky was allowed to visit the family twice a week, and then in general to move to the permanent place of residence in Irkutsk.

But just this, he could not do and could not - the Earth, which he cultivated, getting the funds to which his children studied and brought up and brought his wife's secular salon, were near Urik.
So yes, he could well, as the boy is evidenced by Nikolai Belogolovsky, put into the salon of his wife directly from the field with all his aromas, since never in his life was not worried about public opinion. If his spouse annoyed it and angry, he did not express this anywhere or in letters, nor in their notes.
Even N. Belogolova did not catch her discontent. There are simply no such written testimonies, not counting the letters of Fyodor Vadkovsky, very rarely came to Irkutsk and from the young years known to his violent fantasy.

So was the friction? - unconditionally, but - ended with mutual understanding and peace, contrary to the quotation given in your essay.

Serious friction between the spouses of Volkonski arose on the basis of the issue of marriage of 15-year-old Elena Sergeyevna Volkonskaya, just 4 years after the events described.

By 1849-50. Mikhail Sergeevich Volkonsky Irkutsk Gymnasium ends with a gold medal, but in university education, the son of the state criminal refuses, and the new governor, an intelligent and educated person, Nikolai Nikolayevich Muravyev-Amur takes 18-year-old Mikhail Volkonsky to his service official of special instructions. In other words, in front of Mikhail Sergeyevich, serious career prospects appeared.

Elena Sergeyevna (Nellinka) in 1849 turned 15 years old, she was excellent beauty, and it was necessary to arrange her fate, that is - marriage.
Maria Nikolaevna was obsessed with the desire to find Nellinka of the capital's groom so that she could leave Siberia, this goal was served by the secular salon, which Maria Nikolaevna arranges in his home.
This salon, along with the Governor of the Muravyov-Amur and his wife, French Rashmon, did not always visited the persons who Sergei Grigorievich considered the appropriate company for his daughter, and serious disagreements began on this soil.

These disagreements led to a direct confrontation, when a young official on special instructions from St. Petersburg Dmitry Molchanov, nobleman, is coming to Irkutsk to the governor to the governor. He begins to be in the "salon" of Maria Nikolaevna and care for nonsense, Maria Nikolaevna affairs leads to the wedding.

The entire Irkutsk Decembrist Community is exploded - a child is only 15 years old, they tell her.
There are bad rumors about this man - his financial uncleanness and dishonesty. She does not want to hear anything.

From her, the closest people are turned away - Catherine Ivanovna Trubetskaya will give her the whole truth in his face (later Maria Nikolaevna will not even go to her funeral in Irkutsk, although Sergey Grigorievich will be there), Alexander Poghio, whom she will call two, will stop visiting it (elder brother Joseph passed away by the time on the threshold of the Volkonsky house in 1848).

Ivan Ivanovich Pushchin, the godfather of Michel Volkonsky, in a letter to F.F. Matyushkina wrote in 1853: "I am in my opinion in 1849 in Irkutsk, I spoke Nelenkina Mama, everything that could, but, can be seen, preached the desert."

And with her husband she has a real war, because without the consent of the father of Nelly marriage would be impossible. Molchanova, really seriously in love with Nelly, with Sergey Grigorievich comes to the hands-written.
The only person who supports her at this time is the son of Michelle, who writes that the Father behaves like this that "Nelli will remain old Virgin."

But Michelle is often leaving in the expedition, and Maria Nikolaevna remains completely alone.
Her heart attacks are rapidly, the doctors prohibit her to leave the house.

Ivan Ivanovich Pushchin, who arrived in Irkutsk, cheat, writes in August 1949 M.I. Muravyevu-Apostle and E.P. Obolensky: "... I live in Volkonsky, not noticing that I am a guest. Bullet me all over Siberian. Marya Nikolaevna almost recovered when we moved away, but it disappeared in the evening - she, poor, everything is swear: physical pains act on the mental location, and mental alarms increase the disease in turn. "

And then, watching the suffering of a hot beloved wife, Sergey Grigorievich does not withstand and surrender, just not to worry about it.

A few months later, the wedding of Elena Sergeyevna Volkonsky took place (she was 16 years old) with Dmitry Molchanov. Maria Nikolaevna was happy.

In 1853, Nelli had a son - Seryozha's silence.

And Elena Sergeyevna, and, later, Mikhail Sergeevich Volkonsky called their firstborn in honor of their Father - Sergey.

In 1853-54, a joyful event was happening: Sister Sergei Grigorievich Sofya Grigorievna, now the widow of Field Marshal Peter Mikhailovich Volkonsky, went to his brother to visit Irkutsk and stayed there for about a year, with the permission of the Governor of the Muravyov-Amur brother and sister, together there were almost All Siberia.

She also reported that the board of Nikolai first comes to an end, and that, on reliable rumors, the pupil of Zhukovsky, the future emperor Alexander the second after coronation intends to give the Decembrist forgiveness. It was clear that the time of expulsion comes to an end.

And here - a new blow: Nelli's husband was accused of bribery, a judicial consequence began against him, he threaten a long prison sentence. For Mary Nikolaevna, this news has become a terrible blow. The predictions of her spouse and friends about the dubious personality of the son-in-law were justified!

Ivan Ivanovich Pushchin writes G.S. Bathnyakova December 11, 1854: "Molchanov is given to the Military Court at the Moscow Ordonansgause. Before your eyes are continuously poor rubber! ...
I can't wait from the news from there, as she gets with this new, unexpected position. It is incomprehensible, for which she got such a share? ".

Maria Nikolaevna holds days in bed and in tears, Sergey Grigorievich cares for her and hides even more disturbing news, coming from his daughter now from Moscow: mental obstruction began at Molchanov. Somehow Maria Nikolaevna it becomes known. Alexander Podzhio writes: "The old woman knows everything, but hides and crying at night."

The poor unfortunate Nellie is now being tormented with a child and with an amid husband in prison, and all this - thanks to her!

Very characteristic of the generous Sergey Grigorievich, that he even stood on the side of the accused son-in-law and tried, through his sister Sophia and niece Alina Petrovna Durovo somehow help him (letters to friends and family).

During this period, contrary to the well-minded views, the relationship of spouses Volkonsky is the most heartfelt. Sergei Grigorievich actually moves to Irkutsk, as Maria Nikolaevna turns out to be in Irkutsk society in almost complete isolation, especially after she is not present at the funeral of all the hot beloved Katyusha Trubetskoy.
Ivan Pushchin emphasizes in his letters, how lonely Maria Nikolaevna remains after the story with Nelly's marriage.

Maria Nikolaevna writes his son and daughter about his wife "Your father cares for me well," and always asks Michel and Elena do not forget to draw a line specifically "for PAPA". However, its health is strongly undermined.

When the emperor Nikolai Pavlovich died and many religious people, including Maria Nikolaevna, focused, Sergey Grigorievich - cried, and not according to the testimony of "contemporaries", and his own spouse. Maria Nikolaevna wrote the son of Michele: "Your third day is crying, I don't know what to do with it!"

Everyone lives waiting for amnesty.

The health of Mary Nikolaevna, nevertheless, becomes critical, she can now help only in the capitals, and Nellie is in dire need of her presence in Moscow.

Sophia Grigorievna Volkonskaya and Alina Petrovna Dunovo seeks from the authorities permission for Maria Nikolaevna to return from Siberia to Russia, as they said. In a letter to Brother N.I. Pushchina I.I. Pushchin writes on August 1, 1855: "Recently learned that Nellek exhaust the permission of M.N. Go to Moscow. "

But Maria Nikolaevna agrees for this under one condition - that she will be allowed to return to her husband Sergey to Siberia at the end of treatment (Raevsky archive).
Ivan Pushchin writes Obolensky: "Sergey Grigorievich remained Bobylem, but does not disappear!". On the contrary, he is happy that his whole family was now able to escape from Siberia.

Here are the reasons and circumstances of the departure of Maria Nikolaevna from Siberia at the end of 1855, just a few months before Sergey Grigorievich - already in amnesty in 1856, amnesty, which his son Mikhail Sergeevich Volkonsky brought to Siberia.

Children of Volkonsky returned the princely title, and he himself was a combat awards.
Ahead of Masha and Serge there were still a lot of good: as many as seven years of living together (up to her death in 1863 at the age of 58), and joint travel abroad, and a calm old age in the estate of the daughter in Voronki (where Sergey Grigorievich All -Taki broke the exemplary garden!), And the widespread wedding in the village of Prince Mikhail Sergeyevich Volkonsky and granddaughter of Graph Benkendorf Elizabeth Grigorievna, and marriage in the great love of Elena Sergeyevna with a wonderful Russian diplomat Nikolai Kochubay.

After the tragic first marriage of Elena Sergeyevna Volkonskaya with Dmitry Vasilyevich Molchanov (her husband died in April 1858), Princess Maria Nikolaevna Volkonskaya and daughter Elena went abroad. In Europe, Volkonsky got acquainted with the young diplomat Nikolai Arkadyevich Kochubey (1827-1864). Father Nicholas, together with Prince Sergei Volkonsky, passed from Smolensk to Paris. But in 1825, their ways were separated. Prince Volkonsky was exiled for 30 years to Siberia, and Arkady Kochubey remained in public service. Children of old veterans met in Paris. Elena and Nicholas took place there. They married in early 1859 and went to Ukraine to the estate of her husband with. Funnels Chernihiv province. This estate has become the last shelter and a place to rest the father and mother Elena Sergeyevna. There was also buried in 1864 and the 37-year-old owner of the estate of N.A. Kochubey. Elena and Nikolai in 1863 the son of Mikhail (1863-1935) was born, who inherited the estate of the Father.

Maxim Volkonsky has many more interesting family stories. I advise you to read who is interested.

Prince Sergey Grigorievich Volkonsky 4th (December 8, 1788 - 28 November 1865) - Major General, Brigadier Commander 19 of the Infantry Division (1825); Hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, Decembrist.

Biography

early years

From the princely kind of Volkonsky, the younger brother N. G. Repnina. Prince S. S. Volkonsky (1742-1824) - General from Cavalry, Orenburg Governor General, Member of the State Council. Born in Moscow in the house of Father on Volkhonka 8 (20) December 1788, two days after taking the Russian troops of the Turkish fortress of Ochakov. It was recorded on sergeant in the Kherson Grenadier Regiment on June 1, 1796 and after several "transfers" in different shelves were determined by the Rotmistrome in the Ekaterinoslav Kirassier Regiment in December 1797. The adolescent years spent in the privileged Jesuit guesthouse of Nicolas Abbot, where to learn only children from noble families. The actual service began on December 28, 1805 by the guarantor in the cavalry regiment.

In the fall of 1806, during the beginning of the second war of Russia with the French on the side of the fourth coalition, as an adjutant was defined in a retinue commander-in-chief of Field Marshal M. F. Kamensky, together with which he soon arrived on the theater of hostilities in Prussia. However, after a few days, the young prince remained without a place, as the old general, not wanting to fight with Napoleon, and the troops entrusted to him arranging himself. It happened 13 (25) December 1806. On the same day, he took him under his care - also as an adjutant - Lieutenant-General Alexander Ivanovich Osterman Tolstoy, under the beginning of which the next day - 14 (26) December 1806 - received a combat baptism in the battle of Pultusk. Then, during the battle, Russian managed to fight off the enemy successfully. It is interesting that exactly 19 years old on the same day in the Senate Square in St. Petersburg there was an uprising of the Decembrists.

In the battle of Preice-Eilau, which took place on January 26-27 (February 7-8), 1807, fought, already being an adjutant of the new Russian commander-in-chief - General from the cavalry of Leonty Leontievich Bennigsen, and a bullet was injured in the right side. In the spring of the same year, its formular list was supplemented with battles in Gutstadt and Friedland. Somewhat later watched the meeting of the Russian king Alexander I with Napoleon in Tilsit. In view of the resignation of Bennigsen, home returned by the bank officer of the Sauna Regiment, which continued to be listed. He had the Order of St. Vladimir 4th degree, the Golden Cross for Precisch-Eilau, a golden sword with the inscription "For courage." In 1810-1811, he fought with the Turks and for the differences was made to the Rothmisters and was granted a flaghel-adjutant.

Patriotic War

In 1812, he was under the sovereign of the emperor, in the rank of His Majesty Flygel-Adjutant, from the opening of hostilities before the return of his imperial majesty in the capital; was in real battles, in the 2nd Western Army, with Mogilev and Dashkovka; In the detachment of the Adjutant General of Baron F. F. Vinzingerode: July 28, under Porefia; August 1, when considerable; 7 - with Vitebsk; 31 - under the city of Zvenigorod and September 2, on r. Moscow, with Orlov; On October 2, with Dmitrov and for the difference in this battle awarded the rank of colonel. On August 14, while in the volatile detachment of the dejitancy-Kutuzov general adjutant, was in real battles: when crossing the r. I will scream, in the battle with the city of the Skredoychnos and near Smolensky, from where he was sent with a partisan detachment, acted between Orsts and Serious and opened and opened the communication between the main army and the Vittgenstein count; Also in cases when crossing the enemy through r. Berezina, for which he was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir 3rd degree, and pursuing him from the leprenel to Vilna.

In 1813, he corrected the post of duty on the Baron Vinzinger's corpus, was located with him in an overseas campaign and was in real battles: February 2, under under Kaliche, where he was granted the Order of St. George 4th grade; April 16 and 18, in avant-garde cases under the city of Weinsenfelsk, 20 - in the general battle in Lucene; He was at the retreat from the city of Luzen before crossing the Russian troops through r. Elbe, for which he was awarded the Order of St. Anne 2nd degree, decorated with diamonds, and the Pour Le Mrite Pour Order, and for the differences in the battles at Gross-Beeren and Dennevice, were granted on September 15 in Major General. Having distinguished himself under Leipzig and was awarded the Order of St. Anne 1st degree and the Austrian Order of Leopold 2nd degree. Fucked in France in 1814 and for differences in laronus, the Prussian Order of the Red Eagle of the 2nd degree was awarded. In 1816, he was appointed commander of the Brigade of the 2nd Ulansky Division, in 1821 translated by the Brigades commander of the 19th Infantry Division.

(8.12.1788-28.11.1865). - Major General, Brigadier Commander 19 Infantry Division.

Father - member of the state. Council gene. from Kaval. kn. C. Sem Volkonsky (25.1.1742-17.7.1824), Mother - Prince. Alexandra Nick. Repnina (25.4.1756-23.12.1834, Daughter of Feldmarshal KN. N. V. Repnina), Stats-Dama (from 22.8.1826) and Ober-Hofmeister.

It was brought up under 14 years old under the guidance of a foreigner of Frieza and the retired lieutenant colonel Baron Calenberg (in 1798 spent several months in Jaquino's guesthouse, a teacher of 1 cadet. Corp.), Then in the board of Abbot Nicolas in St. Petersburg (1802-1V05). He was recorded in sergeant service in Kherson Grenad. The regiment - 1.6.1796 (for 8 from the family), enroll (of course, only nominally) headquarters of Feldmarshal Suvorov-Ramniksky - 10.7.1796, appointed hell. to Alexopol Pech. Regiment - 1.8.1796, translated by a regimental apartment in the Starogermanland Musketeer Regiment - 10.9.1796, PLF .-ad. And "renamed the Rothmistrome in Ekaterinoslav Kirassir. Regiment - 19.3.1797, translated into Rostov Drag. Regiment - 11/18/1797, returned to Ekaterinoslav Kirassir. Regiment - 12/15/1797. In the actual service from 12/28/180, when he was transferred by the guy in L.-GV. Cavallerge regiment, Campaign member 1806-1807 (distinguished in a number of battles, deserve the Order of Vladimir 4 tbsp. With a bow, a gold sign for Preice-Eilau and a golden sword for courage) and 1810-1811 in Turkey, headquartered by Rothmist - 11.12.1808, He was granted to FL.-ad. - 6.9.1811, Rothmist - 18.10.1811, Member of the Patriotic War of 1812 and foreign trips 1813-1815, participated in almost all major battles, for the differences in which was produced by Colonel - 6.9.1812, Major General - 15.9.1813 with leaving in Chew and awarded the orders of Vladimir 3 Art., George 4 Art., Anna 2 Art. with diamond signs, Anna 1 Art. and several foreign.

In 1814 consisted at the beginning. Drag. Div., appointed by a brigade commander of 1 brigade 2 Ulan. Div. - 1816, determined by a commander of 2 brigade 2 hussar. Div. - 20.4.1818 (the brigade was not and did not sit down in it), 27.7.1818 was fired on vacation abroad until healing the disease (but did not go abroad) and 5.8 deducted from the command of the Brigado and appointed to consist in the boss of the same division , I was appointed brigadier commander 1 brigade 19 pekh. Div. - 14.1.1821. Mason, member of the lodge "United Friends" (1812), Sphinx lodges (1814), the founder of the "Three Virtues" lodges (1815) and the honorary member of the Kiev Lodge "United Slav" (1820). Behind him 1046 souls in the Nizhny Novgorod lips. and 545 souls in the Yaroslavl lips., In 1826 they were up to 280 thousand rubles. debt; In addition, owned 10 thousand dec. Earth in the Tavrician lips. and a farm near Odessa.

Member of the Union of Benency (1819) and South Society, from 1823 he headed together with V. L. Davydov (see) Kamenskaya Governance of South Society, an active participant in the Kiev congresses "on contracts", communicated between the Northern and South Societies.

Arrest order - 12/30/1825, arrested 5.1.1826 in 2 armies, was taken to St. Petersburg 14.1 and was concluded in the Petropavlovsk fortress in No. 4 Alekseevsky Ravelin ("Silk. Sergey Volkonsky to plant or in Alekseevsky Ravelin, or where it is convenient: but so That and about the drive it was unknown. January 14, 1826 "). Condemned by the I category and confirmation 10.7.1826 was sentenced to hard work for 20 years. Sent to Siberia - 23.7.1826 (Signs: Growth 2 ARS. 8? Vesh., "Person is clean, the eyes are gray, the face and nose are oblong, the hair on the head and eyebrows are dark blonde, on the beard light, has a mustache, medium casing , on the right foot in Berecher has a wound from the bullet, the teeth wears overlaps with one natural front-top tooth "), the term is reduced to 15 years - 22.8.1826, delivered to Irkutsk - 29.8.1826, soon sent to the Nikolaev distress factory, returned from there In Irkutsk - 6.10, sent to the grateful mine - 8.10, arrived there - 10/25/1826, sent to the Chita Ostrog - 20.9.1827, arrived there - 29.9, arrived at the Petrovsky factory in Saint. 1830, the term is reduced to 10 years - 8.11.1832. At the request of the mother was released from the calendar work and turned to the settlement in the Petrovsky plant - 1835, alone. Decree allowed to transfer it to a residence permit. Urick Irkutsk lips. - 2.8.1836, where arrived - 26.3.1837, in 1845 finally moved to Irkutsk.

According to Amnesty 26.8.1856, his children returned to the nobility and allowed to return to European Russia, the children were given the princely title - 30.8, left Irkutsk - 23.9.1856. The place of residence was determined by the village of Zykovo district, but almost constantly lived in Moscow, from Oct. 1858 by Aug. 1859, in 1860-1861 and 1864 abroad, from spring 1865 lived in with. Cherecotsky's funnels Chernihiv's lips., Where he died and buried with his wife. Wife (from 11.1.1825 in Kiev) - Maria Nick. Raevskaya (25.12.1805-10.8.1863), Daughter of Hero 1812 Nick. Nick. Raja, followed her husband to Siberia and arrived in November 1826 in the grateful mine.

Children: Nikolai (2.1.1826-17.1.1828), Sophia (r. And mind. 1.7.1830), Mikhail (10.3.1832-7.12.1909, in Rome) and Elena (28.9.1835-23.12.1916, married - 1) from 17.9.1850 per DM. You. Molchanov, 2) for nickname. Arcade. Kochube and 3) for Alexander Alekseevich Rakhmanov).

Brothers: Nikolai Grigorievich Repin-Volkonsky (1778-1845), in 1826 Malorossiysk Military lips.; Nikita (1781-1841), Major General Sweets; Sister - Sophia (1785-1868), married min. KN courtyard and roads. P. M. Volkonsky.

VD, X, 95-180; Tsagar, f. 109, 1 exp., 1826, d. 61, part 55.