15.01.2024

Lobanov-Rostovsky, Prince Alexey Borisovich. Biographies. The life history of great people Lobanov Rostov Alexey Borisovich his diplomacy


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LOBANOV-ROSTOVSKY Alexey Borisovich (1824-1896) - prince, Russian statesman, diplomat.

In the diplomatic service in 1844-1866, 1878-1896. He held ambassadorial posts in Constantinople, London, and Vienna. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia from March 1895 to August 1896. He took part in the work of the Berlin Congress in 1878, the signing Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1896 .

He was a supporter of intensifying Russian policy in the Far East and countering Japan in this region.

Orlov A.S., Georgieva N.G., Georgiev V.A. Historical Dictionary. 2nd ed. M., 2012, p. 284.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich (18.XII.1824 - 18.VIII.1896), prince, was a Russian diplomat, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1895-1896. In the diplomatic service since 1844. He was ambassador to Turkey, England, Austria-Hungary, and Germany. On February 26, 1895 he was appointed manager of the ministry and on March 6 - Minister of Foreign Affairs. Together with S. Yu. Witte- the initiator of the demarche of Russia, Germany and France, which forced Japan to soften the terms of the Shimonoseki Treaty of 1895, which ended its war with China. He took part in the drafting of the Russian-Chinese treaty of 1896 on the union and construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway. He collected a large collection of letters, memoirs and other materials relating mainly to the 18th and early 19th centuries, and published articles based on them in “Russian Antiquity” and “Russian Archive”. He also dealt with issues of genealogy of Russian noble families.

I. V. Bestuzhev. Moscow.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 8, KOSSALA – MALTA. 1965.

Works: Russian genealogy book, 2nd ed., vol. 1-2, St. Petersburg, 1895.

Literature: Teplov V., Book. A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky, St. Petersburg, 1897; Witte S. Yu., Memoirs, vol. 2, M., 1960; Narochnitsky A.L., Colonial capitalist policy. powers in the D. East. 1860-1895, M., 1956; Romanov B. A., Essays on diplomatic issues. Russian-Japanese history war. 1895-1907, 2nd ed., M.-L., 1955; Rotshtein F. A., Int. relations in con. XIX century, M.-L., 1960.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich (1824-1896). Prince, Russian diplomat. Having entered the diplomatic service in 1844, he held various positions in Berlin, Paris, Turkey, London, and Vienna. He stayed in the last place for 13 years, and it was while working there that he managed to become perhaps the most influential of the Russian ambassadors, whose opinion was carefully listened to in St. Petersburg. In January 1895 he was moved to Berlin, but after the death of Girsa he was appointed a new minister in March of the same year. As head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Lobanov-Rostovsky was a supporter of shifting the center of gravity of Russian foreign policy to the Far East. Initially, he proceeded from the idea of ​​a policy of compromise in relations with Japan with the aim of dividing spheres of influence in the Far East. However, he later retreated from this course and, with the support of the Western powers (interested in complicating relations between Russia and Japan), took a course towards limiting Japanese influence in continental Asia. To this end, in June 1896, Russia signed a secret agreement with China on an alliance and the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway. At the same time, an agreement was signed with Japan on a joint protectorate of Russia and Japan over Korea, which actually deprived Japan of its predominant position in this region, which had developed after the war of 1894-1895. This was an undoubted success of Russian foreign policy, but it was he who largely contributed to the aggravation of Russian-Japanese relations, which ultimately led to war and a strategic change in the balance of forces in the Far East in favor of Japan. On August 18, 1896, he suddenly died on the royal train while moving from Vienna to Kyiv.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich (12/18/1824-08/18/1896), prince, statesman, diplomat and historian. In 1844 he graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo (Alexandrovsky) Lyceum. In n. In the 1850s he was secretary of the Russian mission in Berlin. In 1856, as a secret ambassador, he negotiated peace with Napoleon III. In 1859 he was appointed envoy to Constantinople, in 1866 he was appointed governor of Oryol, and in 1867 - deputy minister of the interior. In 1878 he became ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to Turkey, in 1879 - to England, in 1882 - to Austria. In 1895 he served as ambassador to Berlin, and after his death N. K. Girsa was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. The initiator (together with S. Yu. Witte) of the joint demarche of Russia, Germany and France, which forced Japan to soften the terms of the Shimonoseki Treaty of 1895 with China (Japan abandoned the occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula, limiting itself to monetary compensation), participated in the preparation and signing of the Russian-Chinese treaty ( June 3, 1896, Moscow) about the alliance against Japan and about the construction and operation of the Chinese Eastern Railway (1896). A supporter of an alliance with France and maintaining the status quo in the Middle East, Lobanov-Rostovsky at the same time tried to counteract British policy in Egypt, sought freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal, and tried to attract Germany to cooperation in this matter. Contributed to the restoration of Russian-Bulgarian relations, broken as a result of the Bulgarian crisis of 1885-87. Lobanov-Rostovsky published the “Russian Genealogical Book” (without the author’s name it was published in “Russian Antiquity” 1873-76). Interested in the era of Paul I, Lobanov-Rostovsky compiled 2 unpublished volumes of the “Diary” of this period of reign.

Materials from the site Great Encyclopedia of the Russian People were used.

Lobanov-Rostovsky, Alexey Borisovich (1824-1896), prince - Russian diplomat. L. entered the diplomatic service in 1844; At first he held various positions in the Russian missions in Berlin and Paris; from 1856 - advisor to the embassy, ​​and in 1859 - 1863 - envoy to Turkey. In 1863, Lobanov retired and lived in France, continuing to be closely interested in diplomatic issues and carrying out some unofficial instructions from the Russian government.

In 1878, Lobanov was appointed ambassador to Constantinople, where he had to eliminate a number of difficulties associated with the just ended Russian-Turkish war. In contrast A. M. Gorchakov Lobanov believed that if Russia must make certain concessions, then it is better to make them not to the powers that opposed Russia, but directly to Turkey itself, so as not to irritate it and not push it with too harsh conditions towards England and Austria-Hungary. Lobanov managed in a short time to establish close ties with the Porte and achieve the signing of the Treaty of Constantinople of 1879 (see), which confirmed all articles Treaty of San Stefano, not canceled by the Berlin Treaty.

In 1879-1882, Lobanov was ambassador to London, and from 1882 - ambassador to Vienna, where he stayed for about 13 years. During these years, Lobanov was one of the most influential Russian ambassadors; his opinion was carefully listened to in St. Petersburg. In January 1895, Lobanov was moved to Berlin, but remained in this post for less than 2 months, since after the death of N.K. Girs he was appointed to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Lobanov's appointment coincided with the end of the Sino-Japanese War and the conclusion of the Shimonoseki Peace Treaty of 1895 (see). Lobanov was a supporter of shifting the center of gravity of Russian foreign policy to the Far East. He developed vigorous efforts to force Japan to soften the terms of the peace treaty. Since England refused to interfere in Japanese-Chinese affairs, and the position of France and Germany was still unclear, Lobanov first put forward the idea of ​​​​establishing contact with Japan in Chinese affairs and proposed to transfer to Russia, in the form of compensation for the Japanese conquests, an ice-free port on the Pacific Ocean (port of Lazarev in Korea) and part of Northern Manchuria. This plan met with approval Nicholas II. But, having received the consent of France and Germany to a joint demarche regarding the Shimonoseki Peace, Lobanov abandoned this plan and preferred to oust Japan from the Asian mainland. On April 23, 1895, the Russian representative in Tokyo (simultaneously with the French and German) demanded that Japan renounce the Liaodong Peninsula. Japan was forced to concede. The change in the Shimonoseki Treaty was a success of Russian diplomacy, in particular Lobanov’s policy; the immediate result of this policy was the signing in Moscow on VI 3, 1896 by Lobanov and Witte on the one hand and Li Hong-chang on the other of the secret Russian-Chinese treaty (see) on an alliance and about the construction of the CER. A few days later, on June 9, 1896, an agreement was signed with Japan on a joint protectorate over Korea (see “Lobanov-Yamagata Protocol”), which actually deprived the Japanese government of the preferential position in Korea that it had achieved after the war of 1894-1895. Lobanov's diplomatic success ultimately caused a deterioration in Russian-Japanese relations.

Lobanov took a close part in the publication of Russian archival historical materials and documents of the 18-19 centuries. (“Collected letters from Prince Bezborodko to Count N.I. Panin”, etc.).

Diplomatic Dictionary. Ch. ed. A. Ya. Vyshinsky and S. A. Lozovsky. M., 1948.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich. Prince, Russian diplomat and historian. Russian envoy to Turkey (1859-1863, 1878-1879), where he managed to achieve the signing of the Treaty of Constantinople (1879). Russian Ambassador to Great Britain (1879-1882), Austria (1882-1895), Germany (1895). Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia (1895-1896).

Alexey Borisovich Lobanov-Rostovsky was born on December 30, 1824 on the estate of his mother Olympiada Mikhailovna in the Voronezh province. He was the fourth son of Prince Boris Alexandrovich. Alexei spent his childhood in Moscow, where he had a tutor, the Frenchman Demangeau.

In 1838, Lobanov-Rostovsky entered the Imperial Alexander Lyceum, from which he graduated in 1844 with a gold medal. In December, he was assigned to the Department of Economic and Accounting Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

From the apparatus of the foreign policy department, Lobanov was transferred to the foreign service: in 1850-1856 he was secretary of the mission in Berlin, and for the next three years - adviser to the mission in Istanbul. In June 1859, Lobanov-Rostovsky was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Ottoman Empire. This was a rare case in the annals of Russian diplomacy. By 1863, the prince had a number of successful diplomatic actions, for which he received the ranks of state councilor and chamberlain of the court, and became a holder of domestic and foreign orders.

In 1860 he was transferred to the Ministry of the Interior. Natural abilities, energy, ability to organize work, as well as obvious favor towards him Alexandra II contributed to professional and personal success. The 12 years of Lobanov-Rostovsky's tenure as Comrade Minister are marked in the official list with repeated "highest favors", thanks, and decrees on awarding orders.

He devoted a lot of time to historical research and collecting. Close attention to Russian genealogy was based on the prince’s confidence that “family ties played a much greater role in our history than was usually imagined, and that the very course of historical events significantly depended on them.”

The Middle East crisis of the 70s of the 19th century and the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878 changed a lot in the system of international relations. In April 1878, Lobanov-Rostovsky was again sent to Istanbul as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to negotiate an agreement between the two states, the specific articles of which were not considered at the Berlin Congress. The Sultan expressed satisfaction with the ambassador's person. “Safet Pasha,” Lobanov-Rostovsky wrote to St. Petersburg, “received me with cordiality. He stated that my appointment was considered as evidence of His Imperial Majesty’s favor towards the Sultan and they were counting on me to establish friendly relations between Russia and Turkey.”

The prince successfully completed the mission in Istanbul, for which he received the rank of actual Privy Councilor and the Order of Alexander Nevsky with diamond pendants. Having left the shores of the Bosphorus, he was appointed ambassador to London, which was caused by the need to improve sharply strained relations between Russia and Great Britain. The Tsar also stated that Lobanov-Rostovsky would soon have to replace Gorchakov. However, fate had its own way: Alexander II, who died after the Narodnaya Volya bomb exploded, was replaced by Alexander III, and the Russian Foreign Ministry was headed by N.K. Gears.

Lobanov-Rostovsky became ambassador to Austria-Hungary. Although in Vienna the Russian ambassador was considered a star of the first magnitude in the diplomatic world, and his track record in these years was marked by the only, but the highest award of the Russian Empire - the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called, the new tsar did not sympathize with Lobanov-Rostovsky.

Alexey Borisovich moved all his extensive collections and library to the Austrian capital. The prince's activities in the field of science were highly appreciated: he was elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and an honorary member of the Council of Libraries. The prince's personal library, which by the end of his life numbered more than 8 thousand volumes, entered the library of the Winter Palace after his death. Lobanov-Rostovsky believed that his tenure as ambassador to Austria-Hungary would be long and almost the last in his life. But in October 1894, Alexander III unexpectedly died.

In January 1895, Nicholas II signed Lobanov's credentials as ambassador to Berlin. However, after the ambassador in London, Staal, refused the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, the tsar appointed Lobanov-Rostovsky, a widely educated man with excellent command of languages ​​and the pen, to this post. Lamzdorf emphasized Lobanov-Rostovsky's confidence and calmness when discussing the most difficult issues, which was invigorating and stimulating, “as if infecting or exerting a magnetic influence.” Alexey Borisovich was a witty conversationalist and always had great success with women.

After the capture of the Liaodong Peninsula by Japan and the conclusion of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Lobanov-Rostovsky outlined his view of the Far Eastern problem in two notes to the Tsar dated April 6, 1895. Lobanov-Rostovsky was inclined to think about an agreement with Japan based on compensation at the expense of China. At a special meeting, the point of view of Minister S.Yu. won. Witte: it was decided to demand that the Japanese clear Manchuria, and in case of refusal to comply, they would not hesitate to use force. This policy, which was aimed at acquiring an ice-free port on the Pacific Ocean and annexing some part of Manchuria for more convenient passage of the Siberian railway, required, in the minister’s opinion, extreme caution.

Lobanov-Rostovsky asked Paris to agree, together with the Russian and German governments, to undertake a demarche in Tokyo - to “friendly advise” Japan to abandon the occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula for appropriate monetary compensation. The "friendly advice" was to be supported by a naval demonstration by the three powers.

Lobanov-Rostovsky managed to convince his French colleague G. Hanot that the joint actions of Germany and Russia did not change anything in the latter’s relations with France. He achieved concerted diplomatic pressure on Tokyo and insisted that governments send coordinating instructions to the admirals - the commanders of the ships of the three powers in the Pacific Ocean. The diplomatic demarche forced Japan to retreat. Lobanov-Rostovsky was very proud of the major diplomatic success achieved at the beginning of his activities.

To pay the indemnity to Japan, China, defeated in the war of 1894-1895, needed an external loan, which sparked intense rivalry between the great powers. Lobanov-Rostovsky argued that Russia’s main task is “to make China somewhat dependent on us and prevent England from expanding its influence there.” Making Chinese finances dependent on England and Germany threatened the appearance of “a second edition of Egypt or even Turkey” on Russia’s Asian border.

Attempts by London and Berlin to disrupt the Russian-French loan were unsuccessful thanks to Witte and Lobanov-Rostovsky, with whom the former coordinated all diplomatic actions.

Since the conclusion of the Russian-French secret alliance in 1891, Paris has repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, sought its publication. In the spring of 1895, Lobanov-Rostovsky met France halfway on this issue. After an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate with Rothschild on organizing a loan to China, St. Petersburg turned to the French government for help in early June. Speaking in the French parliament, G. Hanotot spoke for the first time about an “union” with Russia, which made a huge impression in Europe. After this clarification, the Chinese loan was easily placed on the Paris market.

Alarmed, Wilhelm II decided to put direct pressure on Nicholas II. In letters to the Tsar, he advised him to be wary of close friendship with the French Republic. By order of the Tsar, Lobanov-Rostovsky met with the Kaiser in Berlin on October 13. But Wilhelm II’s proposal to recreate the Union of the Three Emperors in order to completely “crush France” with combined efforts met with the minister’s objection. Lobanov-Rostovsky unraveled the plan of Wilhelm II: “This is still the same game to attract Russia: appeal to monarchical and conservative principles, lure Constantinople and promise support for Germany in all eastern affairs. We have received advances of this kind more than once, they were repeated in this time".

Since the beginning of the Middle East crisis, in the fall of 1894, Russian and French diplomats worked closely together in the ambassadorial commission to develop reforms for the Christian population of the Ottoman Empire, countering the desires of the British to turn the issue into a pan-European one.

St. Petersburg initially tried to avoid putting pressure on Turkey. Even after the Sultan’s evasive response in May 1895 to the ambassadors’ memorandum with the reform project, Lobanov refused to join the ultimatum proposed by England. “From the very beginning of the Armenian complications,” he asserted, “our only goal was to achieve guarantees to ensure the independence and welfare of the Armenians without compromising the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The power of any government rests not only on its material strength, it is rooted primarily in the prestige that surrounds her."

Using the assistance of France, Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to paralyze the separate actions of England. At the same time, he definitely stated: “Although we do not have any plans of conquest, we still want to have our hands free so as to be able to protect our interests in the event that they are threatened.”

In September 1895, after unsuccessful attempts to convince the Sultan to accept the reform project, Russia and France, together with England, moved from requests to demands. Meetings between Lobanov-Rostovsky and Anoto helped coordinate positions.

Joint pressure from the powers forced the Sultan to approve the reform project in October. Lobanov-Rostovsky was satisfied with the result. However, the Sultan delayed carrying out reforms. To force him to act, the Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs A. Golukhovsky proposed that the powers that signed the Berlin Treaty introduce several ships into the straits. The Sultan refused to let them through. Then London proposed setting a 24-hour deadline for the Porte to issue firmans for the passage of ships. Paris supported the English demarche. Reporting the situation to Nicholas II, Lobanov-Rostovsky wrote on December 5: “It is very easy to set a deadline; but the question arises: what to do if, after the appointed period, the Sultan does not hand over the firmans? In this case, we will have to agree to force the straits. Since in this case The law, based on the Treaty of Paris, is completely on our side, then I would consider it inevitable to agree to this extreme measure.” As the last possible option for a diplomatic solution, the minister suggested that the king turn to the Sultan with personal advice not to oppose the passage of the hospital residents. Nicholas II approved the idea.

The king's advice, after some hesitation, was accepted by the Sultan. At the beginning of 1896 the situation stabilized. Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to localize it, since the Far Eastern direction of politics, which was increasingly coming to the fore, required stability in the Balkans and the Middle East. One of the urgent tasks - the restoration of relations with Bulgaria - was resolved at the beginning of 1896.

In 1896, a secret Russian-Chinese agreement on the alliance and the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway was signed, as well as the Lobanov-Yamagata protocol. The decisive role in concluding the alliance treaty with China was played by S.Yu. Witte. However, Witte's oral agreement with Li Hongzhang needed to be formalized in writing by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, according to Witte, Lobanov-Rostovsky surprised him with “his natural abilities.” The prince, having heard the terms of the agreement, immediately wrote its text point by point. Witte, amazed by the accuracy, consistency and excellent form of presentation, did not make any corrections.

Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to provide Russia with more favorable conditions for communication with its possessions in the Far East. He saw the solution to the problem in the neutralization of the Suez Canal, which was hampered by England's monopoly position in Egypt. The minister counted on French support. Back in March 1896, the minister told the British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister R. Salisbury that the issue of Egypt directly affected the interests of Russia. Having not received an answer then, Lobanov returned to this problem in June, outlining the motives that guided St. Petersburg: “From that time<...>As Russian interests in the Far East began to develop, the issue of free passage of ships through the Suez Canal became of paramount importance for us." He argued that although "the Siberian Railway is intended, among other things, to facilitate the transportation of our ground forces, it will not affect sea ​​transportation, which is required in view of the progressive development of our relations with the Far East." Lobanov-Rostovsky hoped, in pursuing the interests of Russia, to maintain normal relations with England.

“Apparently, by the fall of 1896, Lobanov had developed a specific foreign policy program,” writes historian I.S. Rybachenok. “In the Middle East, using the “concert” of the great powers, and primarily the alliance with France, to maintain, as long as possible, status quo, delaying the division of the Ottoman Empire; in the Balkans - to maintain stability through joint efforts with Austria-Hungary; to counteract England in Egypt, seeking freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal and trying to attract Germany to Franco-Russian cooperation in this matter."

An important role in the implementation of these plans was given to the exchange of views with the heads of foreign policy departments during Nicholas II’s trip to Europe. The minister was preparing for negotiations in Vienna, Berlin, London and especially Paris.

The minister failed to implement the planned program. On August 30, 1896, he died of a heart attack. The domestic and foreign press expressed regret about the loss of “the wise and prudent leader of Russia’s foreign policy” just at a time when European diplomacy was faced with a number of serious problems.

The funeral took place in the Novospassky Monastery in Moscow. In the Znamenskaya Church - the tomb of the Lobanov-Rostov princes - the last grave remained in a narrow side passage: after the funeral service on September 7, 1896, the coffin with the body of the great diplomat was lowered there.

Reprinted from the site http://100top.ru/encyclopedia/

Contemporary testimony:

At the end of the nineteenth century, the Russian foreign policy department was headed by Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky, who sought to stabilize the political situation in both Europe and the Far East. The territorial expansion of Japan, which occupied Southern Manchuria, posed a real threat, and in 1895 Russia, along with France and Germany, demanded the restoration of China's sovereign rights over Manchuria. Japanese troops were forced to leave the country and retreat to Korea. The reward for this was a concession under which Russia received the opportunity to build and begin operating the South China Railway - it ran through Northern Manchuria and connected Siberia with Vladivostok. However, after Count Muravyov replaced Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Russian foreign policy underwent a sharp turn.

Carl Gustav Mannerheim. Memoirs.

Read further:

Lobanov-Rostovsky Pyotr Semenovich (? -1597) - prince, okolnichy and governor.

Lobanov-Rostovskoy Vasily Mikhailovich Bolshoi (?-1606) - prince, governor.

Essays:

Russian genealogical book, 2nd ed., vol. 1-2, St. Petersburg, 1895.

Literature:

Teplov V., Book. A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky, St. Petersburg, 1897;

Witte S. Yu., Memoirs, vol. 2, M., 1960;

Narochnitsky A.L., Colonial capitalist policy. powers in the D. East. 1860-1895, M., 1956;

Romanov B. A., Essays on diplomatic issues. Russian-Japanese history war. 1895-1907, 2nd ed., M.-L., 1955;

Rotshtein F. A., Int. relations in con. XIX century, M.-L., 1960.

LOBANOV-ROSTOVSKY ALEXEY BORISOVICH - prince, Russian statesman and diplomat, historian, collector, actual privy councilor (1879).

From the family of Lo-ba-no-vykh-Ros-tov-skikh. Graduated from Alek-san-Drovsky Lyceum (1844). Since 1844 he served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since 1850, secretary of the Russian mission in Berlin. In January 1856, at the final stage of the Crimean War of 1853-1856, he held preliminary negotiations about peace in Paris . Co-adviser of the Russian mission (since 1856), minister and full minister (1859-1863) in Kon-stan-ti-no-po-le. In 1862, he took part in a peace conflict between the Osman im- pe-ri and Cher-no- go-ri-ey, under-keep-li-v-shay pov-stan-tsev in Her-tse-go-vi-ne, and the conclusion of the year for Russia Russian-Turkish agreement on trade and sea-re-planning. Since 1863 in retirement. Then again in the civil service under the authority of the Ministry of Internal Affairs: governor of the Oryol province (1866-1867), then-va-rich mi-ni-st-ra Internal Affairs (1867-1878). Se-na-tor (since 1867). Secretary of State (1870). Active participant in the work on the promotion of the Great Reforms of the 1860-1870s Chairman of the commissions on the affairs of races (1868 -1869, 1875), Special commission for drawing a new location and staff (1872). Vice-president of the St. Petersburg Prison Committee (since 1869). Chairman of the Statistical Council under the Ministry of Internal Affairs (1868-1875).

Since April 1878, extreme-high-tea and full-wet salt in Kon-stan-ti-no-po-le, able-to-st-vo-val ure-gu-li- ro-va-nu-yu from Russia and the Ottoman Empire after the end of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 and after Ber- Lin-sk-th con-gress of 1878. Under-go-to-wil and under-pi-sal Kon-stan-ti-no-Polish peace of 1879. Extremely high and full of salt in London (1879-1882). From the torture of the British interference in the Russian-Persian relations. Extraordinary and full-time salt in Vienna (1882-1895), supporter of maintaining stability in the metropolitan area railway people from-no-she-ni-yah and co-gla-so-van-nyh actions of Russia and Austria-Hung-ria on Bal-ka-nakh, with -acted to the conclusion of the Russian-Austrian convention on the unification of the railway networks of both countries (1893) and on trade ( 1894). In 1894, the participation in the work of the Russian-Chinese agreement on the determination of the border on Pa-mir (so called Pa-mir-skoe-gra-ni-che-nie).

Minister of Foreign Affairs (1895-1896). He considered strengthening the position in the Far East to be the main focus of Russian foreign affairs. Pro-vo-dil po-li-ti-ku og-ra-ni-chen-niya of the Japanese presence in continental Asia. Together with the Minister of Finance S. Yu. -nia and France, for Japan, to re-watch the Si-mo-no-sec treaty of 1895 with China and from -supposedly from the ok-ku-pa-tion of the Liao-tung peninsula. Together with Vit-te or-ga-ni-zo-val po-lu-che-nie Ki-ta-em loan from French banks under the guarantee of the Russian government -va (June 1895), UK-re-beer Russian influence in the Far East. Studying in the training and under-pi-sa-nii of the Russian-Chinese Union of Mo-s-kov-skogo-go-vo-ra 1896 of the year. Under-written by the Russian-Japanese pro-col about the division of spheres of influence in Korea, the principle of jointly of the Russian-Japanese con -tro-la over her budget, armed si-la-mi and po-li-qi-ey, as well as about mutual con-sul-ta-qi-yah in Korean de-lam.

You stood for the preservation of other relations with Germany and Austria, however, he was against no one’s idea of ​​re-tav-ra-tion “Soy-for-three-im-per-ra-to.” Strive to the far-next uk-re-p-le-niy of the Russian-French alliance (particular significance was given to the vi-zi-tu of Emperor Ni- Ko-laya II to France). You stood for “for-mo-ra-living” of the Eastern issue, because you did not consider Russia a good place for learning -styu in the region of the Osman Empire. At the beginning of 1896, the or-ga-ni-zo-val was accepted by Emperor Ni-ko-la-em II as the baptismal father. according to the right-to-glorious order of the Bulgarian prince Bo-ri-sa (the future king of Bol-garia Bo-ri-sa III, son Bulgarian Prince Fer-di-nan-da I of Co-burg), contributed to the restoration of Russian-Bulgarian relations, developed as a result of the Bulgarian crisis of 1885-1887.

Pla-ni-ro-val personnel update of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a supporter of the representatives of the aristocratic bos -ha-tyh fa-mi-lies on the duty of words to increase their status.

Author of works and co-author of scientific publications on the history of Russia in the 18th - early 19th centuries and genealogy -gy of the Russian nobility. At the initiative of M.I. Semev-sko-go Lobanov-Rostovsky pod-go-to-vil and anonymously published the “Russian genealogical book” -gu" (vol. 1-3, 1873-1778; 2nd ed., vol. 1-2, 1895), in which the word-to-words were presented -pi-si almost 250 Russian noble families (os-ta-is the largest work on the genea-logy of the Russian nobility) va). Based on the Ka-mer-Furier's journals and other sources, a day-by-day chronicle “The Diary of the Tsar” was compiled. Art of Paul I" (not published). So-sta-vil co-pi-sem A.A. Without-bo-ro-ko to N.I. Pa-ni-nu.

Kol-lek-tsio-ni-ro-val mo-ne-you, an-tik-va-ri-at, ru-ko-pi-si, car-ti-ny, gra-vu-ry, port-re -you are Russian statesmen. In 1884, he donated to the Moscow Main Architectural Institute of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the under-lined title of the ar-hi-man-d-ri-ta of the Troy-tse-Ser-gie-va Monastery of Dio -ni-siya and ke-la-rya A. Pa-li-tsy-na to the residents of Per-mi and other cities with a call to fight against the Polish foreigners -ter-ven-tov (1611). Well-mis-ma-tical collection of Lobanov-Rostovsky's lectures, including mo-nots from 1758-1761 in Königs-ber-ge in during his oc-ku-pa-tion by the Russian troops during the Seven-year-old war of 1756-1763, when-re-te-on after his death ty Lobonov-Rostovsky Er-mi-ta-zhem. Collected an extensive bibliography (over 8 thousand volumes, the most valuable part is from the 18th century, works on history and the gene-nea-logia of the Russian nobility), which after his death, together with the ru-ko-pi-sya-mi, entered into the composition librarians of the Winter Palace.

Member of the Russian Historical Society (since 1870), one of the initiators of the “Russian bio-graphic word” "(vol. 1-25, 1896-1918). Member (since 1873), assistant chairman (1876-1878) of the Russian Archaeological Society.

On-gra-zh-den or-de-na-mi of St. Alex-san-d-nev-sko-go (1874; al-maz-ny-mi zna-mi to him - 1878), St. Vladi-mi-ra 1st degree (1883), St. An-d-ray First-called (1889; al-maz-ny-mi-zna-mi to him - 1895), the French order of Po-chet-no-go le-gio-na (1895), etc.

Essays:

Ro-do-slo-vie fa-mi-lii Bi-ro-na // Russian st-ri-na. 1873. No. 1;

His Serene Highness Prince P.P. Lo-pu-hin // Ibid. 1873. No. 5; E.I. Not-li-do-va // Russian Archive. 1873. Book. 2;

Man-steins // Russian village. 1876. No. 5; Teeth // Ibid. 1876. No. 9;

More about the notes of Prince Dash-ko-voy // Russian Archive. 1881. Book. 1.

1824-96), prince - Russian diplomat. L. entered the diplomatic service in 1844; At first he held various positions in the Russian missions in Berlin and Paris; from 1856 - advisor to the embassy, ​​and in 1859 - 63 - envoy to Turkey. In 1863, L. retired and lived in France, continuing to be closely interested in diplomatic issues and carrying out some unofficial instructions from the Russian government. In 1878, L. was appointed ambassador to Constantinople, where he had to eliminate a number of difficulties associated with the just ended Russian-Turkish war. In contrast to A. M. Gorchakov, L. believed that if Russia must make certain concessions, then it is better to make them not to the powers that opposed Russia, but directly to Turkey itself, so as not to irritate it and not push too harsh conditions towards England and Austria-Hungary. L. managed to establish close ties with the Porte in a short time and achieve the signing Treaty of Constantinople 1879(see), which confirmed all the articles of the San Stefano Treaty that were not repealed by the Berlin Treaty. In 1879-82 L. was ambassador to London, and from 1882 - ambassador to Vienna, where he stayed for about 13 years. During these years, L. was one of the most influential Russian ambassadors; his opinion was carefully listened to in St. Petersburg. In January 1895, L. was moved to Berlin, but remained in this post for less than 2 months, because after the death of N.K. Girs, he was appointed to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. L.'s appointment coincided with the end of the Sino-Japanese War and the conclusion Treaty of Shimonoseki 1895(cm.). L. was a supporter of shifting the center of gravity of Russian foreign policy to the Far East. He developed vigorous efforts to force Japan to soften the terms of the peace treaty. Since England refused to interfere in Japanese-Chinese affairs, and the position of France and Germany was still unclear, L. first put forward the idea of ​​​​establishing contact with Japan in Chinese affairs and proposed to transfer to Russia, in the form of compensation for the Japanese conquests, an ice-free port on the Pacific ocean (port of Lazarev in Korea) and part of Northern Manchuria. This plan met with the approval of Nicholas II. But, having received the consent of France and Germany to a joint demarche regarding the Shimonoseki Peace, L. abandoned this plan and preferred to oust Japan from the Asian mainland. 23. IV 1895, the Russian representative in Tokyo (simultaneously with the French and German) demanded that Japan renounce the Liaodong Peninsula. Japan was forced to concede. The change in the Shimonoseki Treaty was a success of Russian diplomacy, in particular the policy of L. The immediate result of this policy was the signing in Moscow on June 3, 1896 by L. and Witte on the one hand and Li Hong-chang on the other Russian-Chinese treaty(see) about the union and the construction of the CER. A few days later, on June 9, 1896, an agreement was signed with Japan on a joint protectorate over Korea (see. ), which actually deprived the Japanese government of the preferential position in Korea that it had achieved after the war of 1894-95. L.'s diplomatic success ultimately caused a worsening of Russian-Japanese relations. L. took a close part in the publication of Russian archival historical materials and documents of the 18-19 centuries. (“Collected letters from Prince Bezborodko to Count N.I. Panin”, etc.).

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ALEXEY BORISOVICH LOBANOV-ROSTOVSKY

1824–1896) Prince, Russian diplomat and historian. Russian envoy to Turkey (1859–1863, 1878–1879), where he managed to achieve the signing of the Treaty of Constantinople (1879). Russian Ambassador to Great Britain (1879–1882), Austria (1882–1895), Germany (1895). Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia (1895–1896). Alexey Borisovich Lobanov-Rostovsky was born on December 30, 1824 on the estate of his mother Olympiada Mikhailovna in the Voronezh province. He was the fourth son of Prince Boris Alexandrovich. Alexei spent his childhood in Moscow, where he had a tutor, the Frenchman Demangeau. In 1838, Lobanov-Rostovsky entered the Imperial Alexander Lyceum, from which he graduated in 1844 with a gold medal. In December, he was assigned to the Department of Economic and Accounting Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From the apparatus of the foreign policy department, Lobanov was transferred to the foreign service: in 1850–1856 he was secretary of the mission in Berlin, and for the next three years - adviser to the mission in Istanbul. In June 1859, Lobanov-Rostovsky was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Ottoman Empire. This was a rare case in the annals of Russian diplomacy. By 1863, the prince had a number of successful diplomatic actions, for which he received the ranks of state councilor and chamberlain of the court, and became a holder of domestic and foreign orders. In 1860 he was transferred to the Ministry of the Interior. Natural abilities, energy, ability to organize work, as well as the obvious favor of Alexander II towards him contributed to official and personal success. The 12 years of Lobanov-Rostovsky’s tenure as Comrade Minister are marked in the formal list with repeated “highest favors”, thanks, and decrees on awarding orders. He devoted a lot of time to historical research and collecting. Close attention to Russian genealogy was based on the prince’s confidence that “family ties played a much greater role in our history than was usually imagined, and that the very course of historical events significantly depended on them.” The Middle East crisis of the 70s of the 19th century and the Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1878 changed a lot in the system of international relations. In April 1878, Lobanov-Rostovsky was again sent to Istanbul as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to negotiate an agreement between the two states, the specific articles of which were not considered at the Berlin Congress. The Sultan expressed satisfaction with the person, the ambassador. “Safet Pasha,” wrote Lobanov-Rostovsky to St. Petersburg, “received me with cordiality. He stated that my appointment was considered as evidence of His Imperial Majesty’s favor towards the Sultan and they were counting on me to establish friendly relations between Russia and Turkey.” The prince successfully completed the mission in Istanbul, for which he received the rank of actual Privy Councilor and the Order of Alexander Nevsky with diamond pendants. Having left the shores of the Bosphorus, he was appointed ambassador to London, which was caused by the need to improve sharply strained relations between Russia and Great Britain. The Tsar also stated that Lobanov-Rostovsky would soon have to replace Gorchakov. However, fate had its own way: Alexander II, who died after the Narodnaya Volya bomb explosion, was replaced by Alexander III, and the Russian Foreign Ministry was headed by N.K. Gire. Lobanov-Rostovsky became ambassador to Austria-Hungary. Although in Vienna the Russian ambassador was considered a star of the first magnitude in the diplomatic world, and his track record in these years was marked by the only, but the highest award of the Russian Empire - the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called, the new tsar did not sympathize with Lobanov-Rostovsky. Alexey Borisovich moved all his extensive collections and library to the Austrian capital. The prince's activities in the field of science were highly appreciated: he was elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and an honorary member of the Council of Libraries. The prince's personal library, which by the end of his life numbered more than 8 thousand volumes, entered the library of the Winter Palace after his death. Lobanov-Rostovsky believed that his tenure as ambassador to Austria-Hungary would be long and almost the last in his life. But in October 1894, Alexander III unexpectedly died. In January 1895, Nicholas II signed Lobanov's credentials as ambassador to Berlin. However, after the ambassador in London Stasov refused the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, the tsar appointed Lobanov-Rostovsky, a widely educated man with excellent command of languages ​​and the pen, to this post. Lamzdorf emphasized Lobanov-Rostovsky’s confidence and calmness when discussing the most difficult issues, which instilled cheerfulness and stimulated, “as if infecting or exerting a magnetic influence.” Alexey Borisovich was a witty conversationalist and always had great success with women. After the capture of the Liaodong Peninsula by Japan and the conclusion of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Lobanov-Rostovsky outlined his views on the further eastern problem in two notes to the Tsar dated April 6, 1895. Lobanov-Rostovsky was inclined to think about an agreement with Japan based on compensation at the expense of China. At a special meeting, the point of view of Minister S.Yu. won. Witte: it was decided to demand that the Japanese clear Manchuria, and in case of refusal to comply, not stop at using force. This policy, aimed at acquiring an ice-free port on the Pacific Ocean and annexing some part of Manchuria for the convenient construction of the Siberian railway, required, in the opinion of the minister, extreme caution. Lobanov-Rostovsky asked Paris for consent, together with the Russian and German governments, to undertake a demarche in Tokyo - to “friendly advise” Japan to abandon the occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula for appropriate monetary compensation. “Friendly advice” was to be supported by a naval demonstration of the three powers. Lobanov-Rostovsky managed to convince his French colleague G. Ane that the joint actions of Germany and Russia did not change anything in the latter’s relations with France. He achieved concerted diplomatic pressure on Tokyo and insisted that governments send coordinating instructions to the admirals - the commanders of the ships of the three powers in the Pacific Ocean. The diplomatic demarche forced Japan to retreat. Lobanov-Rostovsky was very proud of the major diplomatic success achieved at the beginning of his activities. To pay the indemnity to Japan, China, defeated in the war of 1894–1895, needed an external loan, which sparked intense great power rivalry. Lobanov-Rostovsky argued that Russia’s main task is “to make China somewhat dependent on us and prevent England from expanding its influence there.” Making Chinese finance dependent on England and Germany threatened the appearance of “a second edition of Egypt or even Turkey” on Russia’s Asian border. Attempts by London and Berlin to disrupt the Russian-French loan were unsuccessful thanks to Witte and Lobanov-Rostovsky, with whom the former coordinated all diplomatic actions. Since the conclusion of the Russian-French secret alliance in 1891, Paris has repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, sought its publication. In the spring of 1895, Lobanov-Rostovsky met France halfway on this issue. After an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate with Rothschild on organizing a loan to China, St. Petersburg turned to the French government for help in early June. Speaking in the French parliament, G. Hanotot spoke for the first time about an “union” with Russia, which made a huge impression in Europe. After this clarification, the Chinese loan was easily placed on the Paris market. Alarmed, Wilhelm II decided to put direct pressure on Nicholas II. In letters to the Tsar, he advised him to be wary of close friendship with the French Republic. By order of the Tsar, Lobanov-Rostovsky met with the Kaiser in Berlin on October 13. But Wilhelm II’s proposal to recreate the Union of the Three Emperors in order to completely “crush France” with combined efforts met with the minister’s objection. Lobanov-Rostovsky unraveled the plan of Wilhelm II: “This is still the same game to attract Russia, appeal to monarchical and conservative principles, lure Constantinople and promise support for Germany in all eastern affairs. We have received advances of this kind more than once, and they happened again this time.” Since the beginning of the Middle East crisis, in the fall of 1894, Russian and French diplomats worked closely together in the ambassadorial commission to develop reforms for the Christian population of the Ottoman Empire, countering the desires of the British to turn the issue into a pan-European one. St. Petersburg initially tried to avoid putting pressure on Turkey. Even after the Sultan’s evasive response in May 1895 to the ambassadors’ memorandum with the reform project, Lobanov refused to join the ultimatum proposed by England. “From the very beginning of the Armenian complications,” he asserted, “our only goal was to achieve guarantees to ensure the independence and welfare of the Armenians without compromising the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The power of any government rests not only on its material strength, it is rooted primarily in the prestige that surrounds it.” Using the assistance of France, Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to paralyze the separate actions of England. At the same time, he definitely stated: “Although we do not have any plans of conquest, we still want to have our hands free so as to be able to protect our interests in the event that they are threatened.” In September 1895, after unsuccessful attempts to convince the Sultan to accept the reform project, Russia and France, together with England, moved from requests to demands. Meetings between Lobanov-Rostovsky and Anoto helped coordinate positions. Joint pressure from the powers forced the Sultan to approve the reform project in October. Lobanov-Rostovsky was satisfied with the result. However, the Sultan delayed carrying out reforms. To force him to act, the Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs A. Golukhovsky proposed that the powers that signed the Berlin Treaty introduce several ships into the straits. The Sultan refused to let them through. Then London proposed setting a 24-hour deadline for the Porte to issue firmans for the passage of ships. Paris supported the English demarche. Reporting the situation to Nicholas II, Lobanov-Rostovsky wrote on December 5: “It is very easy to set a date; but the question arises: what to do if, after the appointed period, the Sultan does not hand over the firmans? In this case, we will have to agree to force the straits. Since in this case the law, based on the Treaty of Paris, is completely on our side, I would consider it inevitable to agree to this extreme measure.” As the last possible option for a diplomatic solution, the minister suggested that the king turn to the Sultan with personal advice not to oppose the passage of the residents. Nicholas II approved the idea. The king's advice, after some hesitation, was accepted by the Sultan. At the beginning of 1896 the situation stabilized. Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to localize it, since the Far Eastern direction of politics, which was increasingly coming to the fore, required stability in the Balkans and the Middle East. One of the urgent tasks - the restoration of relations with Bulgaria - was resolved at the beginning of 1896. In 1896, a secret Russian-Chinese agreement on the joint construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway was signed, as well as the Lobanov-Yamagata protocol. The decisive role in concluding the alliance treaty with China was played by S.Yu. Witte. However, Witte's oral agreement with Li Hongzhang needed to be formalized in writing by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, according to Witte, Lobanov-Rostovsky surprised him with “his natural abilities.” The prince, having heard the terms of the agreement, immediately wrote its text point by point. Witte, amazed by the accuracy, consistency, and excellent form of presentation, did not make any corrections. Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to provide Russia with more favorable conditions for communication with its possessions in the Far East. He saw the solution to the problem in the neutralization of the Suez Canal, which was hampered by England's monopoly position in Egypt. The minister was counting on French support. Back in March 1896, the minister told the British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister R. Salisbury that Egyptian issues directly affected the interests of Russia. Having not received an answer then, Lobanov returned to this problem in June, outlining the motives that guided St. Petersburg: “Since Russia’s interests in the Far East began to develop, the issue of free passage of ships through the Suez Canal has become of paramount importance for us.” He argued that although "the Siberian Railway is intended, among other things, to facilitate the transportation of our ground forces, it will not affect the sea transport, which is required in view of the progressive development of our relations with the Far East." Lobanov-Rostovsky hoped to achieve the interests of Russia and maintain normal relations with England. “Apparently, by the fall of 1896, Lobanov had developed a specific foreign policy program,” writes historian I.S. Rybachenok. - In the Middle East, using the “concert” of the great powers, and first of all the alliance with France, it is necessary to maintain the status quo as long as possible, delaying the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; in the Balkans - maintain stability through joint efforts with Austria-Hungary; to counteract England in Egypt by seeking freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal and trying to attract Germany to Franco-Russian cooperation in this matter.” An important role in the implementation of these plans was given to the exchange of views with the heads of foreign policy departments during Nikolai’s trip to Europe. The minister was preparing for negotiations in Vienna, Berlin, London, and especially in Paris. The minister failed to implement the planned program. On August 30, 1896, he died of a heart attack. The domestic and foreign press expressed regret at the loss of the “wise and prudent leader of Russian foreign policy” just at a time when European diplomacy was faced with a number of serious problems. The funeral took place in the Novospassky Monastery in Moscow. In the Znamenskaya Church - the tomb of the Lobanov-Rostov princes - the last grave remained in a narrow side passage: after the funeral service on September 7, 1896, the coffin with the body of the great diplomat was lowered there.

100 great diplomats Igor Anatolyevich Mussky

ALEXEY BORISOVICH LOBANOV-ROSTOVSKY (1824–1896)

ALEXEY BORISOVICH LOBANOV-ROSTOVSKY

Prince, Russian diplomat and historian. Russian envoy to Turkey (1859–1863, 1878–1879), where he managed to achieve the signing of the Treaty of Constantinople (1879). Russian Ambassador to Great Britain (1879–1882), Austria (1882–1895), Germany (1895). Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia (1895–1896).

Alexey Borisovich Lobanov-Rostovsky was born on December 30, 1824 on the estate of his mother Olympiada Mikhailovna in the Voronezh province. He was the fourth son of Prince Boris Alexandrovich. Alexei spent his childhood in Moscow, where he had a tutor, the Frenchman Demangeau.

In 1838, Lobanov-Rostovsky entered the Imperial Alexander Lyceum, from which he graduated in 1844 with a gold medal. In December, he was assigned to the Department of Economic and Accounting Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

From the apparatus of the foreign policy department, Lobanov was transferred to the foreign service: in 1850–1856 he was secretary of the mission in Berlin, and for the next three years - adviser to the mission in Istanbul. In June 1859, Lobanov-Rostovsky was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Ottoman Empire. This was a rare case in the annals of Russian diplomacy. By 1863, the prince had a number of successful diplomatic actions, for which he received the ranks of state councilor and chamberlain of the court, and became a holder of domestic and foreign orders.

In 1860 he was transferred to the Ministry of the Interior. Natural abilities, energy, ability to organize work, as well as the obvious favor of Alexander II towards him contributed to official and personal success. The 12 years of Lobanov-Rostovsky’s tenure as Comrade Minister are marked in the formal list with repeated “highest favors”, thanks, and decrees on awarding orders.

He devoted a lot of time to historical research and collecting. Close attention to Russian genealogy was based on the prince’s confidence that “family ties played a much greater role in our history than was usually imagined, and that the very course of historical events significantly depended on them.”

The Middle East crisis of the 70s of the 19th century and the Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1878 changed a lot in the system of international relations. In April 1878, Lobanov-Rostovsky was again sent to Istanbul as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to negotiate an agreement between the two states, the specific articles of which were not considered at the Berlin Congress. The Sultan expressed satisfaction with the person, the ambassador. “Safet Pasha,” wrote Lobanov-Rostovsky to St. Petersburg, “received me with cordiality. He stated that my appointment was considered as evidence of His Imperial Majesty’s favor towards the Sultan and they were counting on me to establish friendly relations between Russia and Turkey.”

The prince successfully completed the mission in Istanbul, for which he received the rank of actual Privy Councilor and the Order of Alexander Nevsky with diamond pendants. Having left the shores of the Bosphorus, he was appointed ambassador to London, which was caused by the need to improve sharply strained relations between Russia and Great Britain. The Tsar also stated that Lobanov-Rostovsky would soon have to replace Gorchakov. However, fate had its own way: Alexander II, who died after the Narodnaya Volya bomb explosion, was replaced by Alexander III, and the Russian Foreign Ministry was headed by N.K. Gire.

Lobanov-Rostovsky became ambassador to Austria-Hungary. Although in Vienna the Russian ambassador was considered a star of the first magnitude in the diplomatic world, and his track record in these years was marked by the only, but the highest award of the Russian Empire - the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called, the new tsar did not sympathize with Lobanov-Rostovsky.

Alexey Borisovich moved all his extensive collections and library to the Austrian capital. The prince's activities in the field of science were highly appreciated: he was elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and an honorary member of the Council of Libraries. The prince's personal library, which by the end of his life numbered more than 8 thousand volumes, entered the library of the Winter Palace after his death. Lobanov-Rostovsky believed that his tenure as ambassador to Austria-Hungary would be long and almost the last in his life. But in October 1894, Alexander III unexpectedly died.

In January 1895, Nicholas II signed Lobanov's credentials as ambassador to Berlin. However, after the ambassador in London Stasov refused the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, the tsar appointed Lobanov-Rostovsky, a widely educated man with excellent command of languages ​​and the pen, to this post. Lamzdorf emphasized Lobanov-Rostovsky’s confidence and calmness when discussing the most difficult issues, which instilled cheerfulness and stimulated, “as if infecting or exerting a magnetic influence.” Alexey Borisovich was a witty conversationalist and always had great success with women.

After the capture of the Liaodong Peninsula by Japan and the conclusion of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Lobanov-Rostovsky outlined his views on the further eastern problem in two notes to the Tsar dated April 6, 1895. Lobanov-Rostovsky was inclined to think about an agreement with Japan based on compensation at the expense of China. At a special meeting, the point of view of Minister S.Yu. won. Witte: it was decided to demand that the Japanese clear Manchuria, and in case of refusal to comply, not stop at using force. This policy, aimed at acquiring an ice-free port on the Pacific Ocean and annexing some part of Manchuria for the convenient construction of the Siberian railway, required, in the opinion of the minister, extreme caution.

Lobanov-Rostovsky asked Paris for consent, together with the Russian and German governments, to undertake a demarche in Tokyo - to “friendly advise” Japan to abandon the occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula for appropriate monetary compensation. “Friendly advice” was to be supported by a naval demonstration of the three powers.

Lobanov-Rostovsky managed to convince his French colleague G. Ane that the joint actions of Germany and Russia did not change anything in the latter’s relations with France. He achieved concerted diplomatic pressure on Tokyo and insisted that governments send coordinating instructions to the admirals - the commanders of the ships of the three powers in the Pacific Ocean. The diplomatic demarche forced Japan to retreat. Lobanov-Rostovsky was very proud of the major diplomatic success achieved at the beginning of his activities.

To pay the indemnity to Japan, China, defeated in the war of 1894–1895, needed an external loan, which sparked intense great power rivalry. Lobanov-Rostovsky argued that Russia’s main task is “to make China somewhat dependent on us and prevent England from expanding its influence there.” Making Chinese finance dependent on England and Germany threatened the appearance of “a second edition of Egypt or even Turkey” on Russia’s Asian border.

Attempts by London and Berlin to disrupt the Russian-French loan were unsuccessful thanks to Witte and Lobanov-Rostovsky, with whom the former coordinated all diplomatic actions.

Since the conclusion of the Russian-French secret alliance in 1891, Paris has repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, sought its publication. In the spring of 1895, Lobanov-Rostovsky met France halfway on this issue. After an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate with Rothschild on organizing a loan to China, St. Petersburg turned to the French government for help in early June. Speaking in the French parliament, G. Hanotot spoke for the first time about an “union” with Russia, which made a huge impression in Europe. After this clarification, the Chinese loan was easily placed on the Paris market.

Alarmed, Wilhelm II decided to put direct pressure on Nicholas II. In letters to the Tsar, he advised him to be wary of close friendship with the French Republic. By order of the Tsar, Lobanov-Rostovsky met with the Kaiser in Berlin on October 13. But Wilhelm II’s proposal to recreate the Union of the Three Emperors in order to completely “crush France” with combined efforts met with the minister’s objection. Lobanov-Rostovsky unraveled the plan of Wilhelm II: “This is still the same game to attract Russia, appeal to monarchical and conservative principles, lure Constantinople and promise support for Germany in all eastern affairs. We have received advances of this kind more than once, and they happened again this time.”

Since the beginning of the Middle East crisis, in the fall of 1894, Russian and French diplomats worked closely together in the ambassadorial commission to develop reforms for the Christian population of the Ottoman Empire, countering the desires of the British to turn the issue into a pan-European one.

St. Petersburg initially tried to avoid putting pressure on Turkey. Even after the Sultan’s evasive response in May 1895 to the ambassadors’ memorandum with the reform project, Lobanov refused to join the ultimatum proposed by England. “From the very beginning of the Armenian complications,” he asserted, “our only goal was to achieve guarantees to ensure the independence and welfare of the Armenians without compromising the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The power of any government rests not only on its material strength, it is rooted primarily in the prestige that surrounds it.”

Using the assistance of France, Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to paralyze the separate actions of England. At the same time, he definitely stated: “Although we do not have any plans of conquest, we still want to have our hands free so as to be able to protect our interests in the event that they are threatened.”

In September 1895, after unsuccessful attempts to convince the Sultan to accept the reform project, Russia and France, together with England, moved from requests to demands. Meetings between Lobanov-Rostovsky and Anoto helped coordinate positions.

Joint pressure from the powers forced the Sultan to approve the reform project in October. Lobanov-Rostovsky was satisfied with the result. However, the Sultan delayed carrying out reforms. To force him to act, the Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs A. Golukhovsky proposed that the powers that signed the Berlin Treaty introduce several ships into the straits. The Sultan refused to let them through. Then London proposed setting a 24-hour deadline for the Porte to issue firmans for the passage of ships. Paris supported the English demarche. Reporting the situation to Nicholas II, Lobanov-Rostovsky wrote on December 5: “It is very easy to set a date; but the question arises: what to do if, after the appointed period, the Sultan does not hand over the firmans? In this case, we will have to agree to force the straits. Since in this case the law, based on the Treaty of Paris, is completely on our side, I would consider it inevitable to agree to this extreme measure.” As the last possible option for a diplomatic solution, the minister suggested that the king turn to the Sultan with personal advice not to oppose the passage of the residents. Nicholas II approved the idea.

The king's advice, after some hesitation, was accepted by the Sultan. At the beginning of 1896 the situation stabilized. Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to localize it, since the Far Eastern direction of politics, which was increasingly coming to the fore, required stability in the Balkans and the Middle East. One of the urgent tasks - the restoration of relations with Bulgaria - was resolved at the beginning of 1896.

In 1896, a secret Russian-Chinese agreement on the joint construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway was signed, as well as the Lobanov-Yamagata protocol. The decisive role in concluding the alliance treaty with China was played by S.Yu. Witte. However, Witte's oral agreement with Li Hongzhang needed to be formalized in writing by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, according to Witte, Lobanov-Rostovsky surprised him with “his natural abilities.” The prince, having heard the terms of the agreement, immediately wrote its text point by point. Witte, amazed by the accuracy, consistency, and excellent form of presentation, did not make any corrections.

Lobanov-Rostovsky sought to provide Russia with more favorable conditions for communication with its possessions in the Far East. He saw the solution to the problem in the neutralization of the Suez Canal, which was hampered by England's monopoly position in Egypt. The minister was counting on French support. Back in March 1896, the minister told the British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister R. Salisbury that Egyptian issues directly affected the interests of Russia. Having not received an answer then, Lobanov returned to this problem in June, outlining the motives that guided St. Petersburg: “From that time<…>As Russia’s interests in the Far East began to develop, the issue of free passage of ships through the Suez Canal became of paramount importance for us.” He argued that although "the Siberian Railway is intended, among other things, to facilitate the transportation of our ground forces, it will not affect the sea transport, which is required in view of the progressive development of our relations with the Far East." Lobanov-Rostovsky hoped to achieve the interests of Russia and maintain normal relations with England.

“Apparently, by the fall of 1896, Lobanov had developed a specific foreign policy program,” writes historian I.S. Rybachenok. - In the Middle East, using the “concert” of the great powers, and first of all the alliance with France, it is necessary to maintain the status quo as long as possible, delaying the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; in the Balkans - maintain stability through joint efforts with Austria-Hungary; to counteract England in Egypt by seeking freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal and trying to attract Germany to Franco-Russian cooperation in this matter.”

An important role in the implementation of these plans was given to the exchange of views with the heads of foreign policy departments during Nikolai’s trip to Europe. The minister was preparing for negotiations in Vienna, Berlin, London, and especially in Paris.

The minister failed to implement the planned program. On August 30, 1896, he died of a heart attack. The domestic and foreign press expressed regret at the loss of the “wise and prudent leader of Russian foreign policy” just at a time when European diplomacy was faced with a number of serious problems.

The funeral took place in the Novospassky Monastery in Moscow. In the Znamenskaya Church - the tomb of the Lobanov-Rostov princes - the last grave remained in a narrow side passage: after the funeral service on September 7, 1896, the coffin with the body of the great diplomat was lowered there.

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